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News about the Irish & Irish American culture, music, news, sports. This is hosted by the Irish Aires radio show on KPFT-FM 90.1 in Houston, Texas (a Pacifica community radio station)
January 01, 2007
Adams – SF Wants To Achieve Maximum Change
News About Ireland & The Irish
Sinn Fein’s Angelic Gerry Adams and policing & justice spokesman Gerry Kelly at a press conference following the ardcomhairle meeting in Dublin.
SF 01/01/04 Adams – SF Wants To Achieve Maximum Change
BT 01/01/07 New Warnings From DUP Over Devolution
BB 01/01/07 Deadlines, Deadlock And New Dawns?
UT 01/01/07 UUP's Jim Wilson Steps Down
BT 01/01/07 Sinn Fein Assembly Member To Step Down
BN 12/31/06 Sister Makes Plea For Margaret Hassan's Body
BG 12/31/06 Bostonians Of The Year: Peter Meade
*************************
http://www.sinnfein.ie/news/detail/17250
Adams - Sinn Féin Wants To Achieve Maximum Change
Published: 1 January, 2007
Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP speaking at an event to
commemorate Seán Sabhat and Feargal Ó hAnnluain who were
killed on this day 50 years during the Brookeborough raid
in County Fermanagh. Speaking in Fermanagh Mr. Adams said:
"Republican strategy today is about building political
strength; popularising republican ideas; and, mobilising,
organising and strategising how we achieve a free, united
Ireland.
As part of this we have to secure a new peaceful accord
with our unionist neigbours based upon equality. The new
Ireland cannot be built solely on our terms. This is the
context in which we must approach the issues of policing
and justice.
Our strategic focus has been to break the grip of the
unionist elite, the NIO, and British securocrats, whose
efforts are about keeping political policing.
Our efforts have been to end political policing.
Consequently, Sinn Fein has pursued a relentless
negotiation strategy since 1999. Significant progress has
been made on key policing and justice issues in this
period.
The party leadership believe this represents a sustainable
basis to deliver a new beginning to policing in the context
of our strategic objectives; the full implementation of the
Good Friday Agreement; and, moving the struggle closer to
our primary aim of Irish independence, self determination,
and sovereignty.
This strategic initiative presents a massive challenge for
republicans. But like all republican initiatives, it is
risky. The Brookeborough raid was risky. Struggle of any
kind is risky. We should remember that those who want to
maximise change, must be prepared to take the greatest
risks.
In turn, activists must bring a long term and national
perspective to what we do next. We all need to be clear
sighted about how we advance the outcome of this
negotiation towards where we want to be:
* beyond the assembly election in March 07;
* beyond the full restoration of the assembly, executive
and all-Ireland institutions;
* beyond the general election in the south in May/June 07;
* and, in relation to the overall balance of political
forces nationally.
In the weeks ahead we will debate all these issues.
The Sinn Féin leadership will continue to set out what we
believe has been achieved. We will set out what we believe
are the necessary next steps in advancing our struggle.
That is our responsibility.
It is your responsibility to engage and to bring to this
debate your knowledge and experience as activists grounded
in struggle.
We also need to ensure that there is room for everyone to
express their views, that we talk to those who have been
victims of collusion and state murder, the families of our
patriot dead and republican veterans. Let us have our
debate, take our decision and move forward united.
Republicans have never lacked courage. The courage to take
up arms like Seán and Feargal in their time, and countless
other men and women in our own time. The courage to
confront injustice and discrimination. The courage to seize
an opportunity for peace. The courage to take risks and at
all times to move forward.
For years we stayed outside policing structures because
that was the best way to bring about change. Now we want to
move into those structures because that is now the best way
to maximise that change.
Our intention, if the Ard Fheis agrees with the Ard
Chomhairle, is to ensure that no police officer ever again
does what was done on our people without being held to
account.
If the Ard Fheis accepts our proposal Sinn Féin
representatives will work to ensure that political
policing, collusion and "the force within a force" is a
thing of the past and oppose any involvement by the British
Security Service/MI5 in civic policing.
And Sinn Fein representatives will robustly support the
demands for:
:: equality of treatment for all victims,
:: effective truth recovery mechanisms,
:: acknowledgement by the British State of its involvement
in wrongdoing including collusion with loyalist
paramilitaries,
:: to ensure that there is no place in the PSNI for human
rights abusers.
By building political strength we can build the capacity to
move our entire struggle forward. By building political
strength we can build the capacity to move both the British
government and the unionists and influence directly
the political agenda in the 26 counties.
"I believe if we advance together, united behind our
republican goals, we will win our freedom and build the
united Ireland for which Seán Sabhat and Feargal Ó
hAnnluain gave their lives."ENDS
CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY - FULL TEXT
Ba mhaith liom tús a dhéanamh le fáilte chuig an ócáid
speisialta seo a chur romhaibh uilig.
Ba mhaith liom buíochas speisialta ghabháil le gach duine
ar Choiste an Chaogú Cuimhneachán ar Fheargal Ó hAnnluain
agus Seán Sabhat - tá dian-obair déanta acu le linn na
míonna seo caite leis an chuimhneachán seo a eagrú; leis a
leabhar breá seo a fhoilsiú - comhghairdeas.
Ba mhaith liom fáilte a chur roimh na daoine sin a ghlac
páirt, i gcomhar le Feargal agus Seán, san ionsaí stairiúil
sin caoga bliain ó shin inniu. Ba mhaith liom fáilte a chur
roimh teaghlach Fheargal Uí Annluain.
Bhí deartháir Sheáin Shabhat le bheith linn inniu ach ní
raibh sé ábalta teacht sa deireadh. Guímid gach rath air.
I want to begin by welcoming you all here today on this
very special occasion.
I want to say a special word of thanks and commendation -
Comhairgdeas - to all of those in the Feargal Ó hAnnluain
and Seán Sabhat 50th Anniversary Committee who worked very
hard over many months to organise this commemoration; the
other events and who produced this very fine 48 page booklet.
I want to welcome those who participated with Feargal and
Seán on that fateful Brookeborough raid 50 years ago today.
And I want to especially welcome the family of Feargal Ó
hAnnluain, his sister, brothers and other members of the
family.
I am sure they will understand me extending a special
welcome to Fergal's sister Pádraigín Uí Mhurchadha who is
the longest serving Sinn Féin councillor in Co. Monaghan
with 21 years unbroken service to the people on Monaghan
Town Council.
Fergal's brother Éineachán was one of the four Sinn Féin
TDs elected in 1957. Their cousin Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin next
year will have served for a decade as Sinn Féin TD for
Cavan-Monaghan
Seán Sabhat's brother Seamus was due to be with us today
but couldn't make it because he is unwell. Our best wishes
go to him.
We owe a deep and heartfelt thank you to the families of
Feargal Ó hAnnluain and Seán Sabhat. We are very proud of
you and of the dignified example you have consistently set.
Feargal Ó hAnnluain and Seán Sabhat were two young men from
almost opposite ends of this island. Feargal was from
Monaghan, Seán was from Limerick.
Feargal Ó hAnnluain was almost 21. Seán Sabhat was 28. Both
men, and their comrades in the North Fermanagh Resistance
Column - generally known as the Pearse Column - were
resolutely opposed to British rule in our country.
Fergal and Seán were part of a major, planned resistance
campaign by the IRA which was formally launched on December
12th 1956.
'Operation Harvest' had been years in the planning. The
early 1950s saw an intensification of training and arms
procurement and a series of daring raids on places like
Ebrington Barracks in Derry in 1951 and Gough Barracks in
Armagh in 1954.
More and more people were also turning to Irish republicans
for political leadership. In May 1955 two republican
prisoners, Tom Mitchell in Mid Ulster and Phil Clarke here
in Fermanagh South Tyrone were elected as MPs. Later in
1957 four Sinn Féin TDs were elected.
'Operation Harvest' was an ambitious plan. Its inspiration
were the guerrilla tactics employed so successfully during
the Tan War and in particular the use of flying columns.
The first engagement by the Pearse Column was an attack on
Lisnaskea barracks on December 13th. The column was led by
Sean Garland and Daithí Ó Conaill was second in command. I
remember at a commemoration in Monaghan how Daithí Ó
Conaill enthralled us all with his account of the
Brookeborough raid.
As he recalled it that day there was snow on the ground and
in the hills. 14 IRA Volunteers set out in a lorry from
Bunlogher at around 7pm to attack the RUC barracks in
Brookeborough village. 11 volunteers lay in the back of the
truck. They were armed with a
mixture of weapons, including two Bren guns, two Thompsons,
and 303 rifles. They also had two mines, six grenades and
six Molotov cocktails.
They drove their lorry up to the front of the barracks.
The two mines were placed at the front door but both failed
to explode. In the gun battle that ensued Feargal Ó
hAnnluain and Seán Sabhat were mortally wounded. Four other
volunteers were also shot. Sean Garland ordered the column
to withdraw. The lorry had been badly damaged. It stopped
here at Altawark crossroads and Feargal and Seán were
carried into a farm building.
When it was clear that both were dead Daithí Ó Conaill, who
now took command from a wounded Seán Garland, ordered all
the remaining members of the column to begin the long and
exhausting journey across country toward the border.
As they made their way over rough terrain, through deep
snow drifts and bog land, carrying their wounded, two more
volunteers were injured. All the time they were being
pursued. Two helicopters and up to 4,000 RUC, B Specials
and others were involved in an intensive search of the
area.
After many difficult hours they reached Mulligan's house in
County Monaghan. The injured were taken initially to
Monaghan hospital before being moved to Dublin. The others
were arrested and spent six months in prison. Thousands
turned out in Monaghan, Dublin and Limerick at the funerals
of Feargal Ó hAnnluain and Seán Sabhat.
At Feargal Ó hAnnluain's graveside Noel Kavanagh said: "If
you wish to erect a monument to this Volunteer I ask you to
erect a monument which can be seen all over the world. I
have in mind a monument that Fergal would like and that
monument is the Irish Republic."
Diarmaid Ó Donnchadha giving the oration for Seán Sabhat
said: "Ba mhór aige prionsabhail, ba mhór aige saoirse,
ba mhor aige Gaelachas.
He died for my freedom; for my sake, for your sake, for the
sake of the generations that are to come ... let his life
and his death be a lesson and a guide to all of us. Ní
hamháin gur lean sé lorg Mhic Piarias agus Emmet agus Tone,
ach dhein sé staidéar ar dhúchas agus stair Gael ó thosach
ré na staire - agus dhein sé beart dá réir."
The Taoiseach John A Costello was praised by the Unionist
regime in the north when he condemned the attack. Costello
was supported in his stand by Fianna Fáil leader Eamon De
Valera.
Three months later Fianna Fáil came to power.
Immediately it embarked on a vigorous policy of repression,
including the widespread use of internment. De Valera
invoked the Offences against the State Act. Five years
later Operation Harvest was formally brought to an end.
The IRA were entirely right to embark on the Border
Campaign in 1956. In 1962 when they called an end to that
campaign that was also their right and judgement.
Just as it was the right and the judgement of the IRA in
more recent times to bring an end to its armed campaign.
And I also think it is worth recalling the IRA statement
issued in
February 1962.
The IRA ended its campaign because in their own words the
Irish people had been 'deliberately distracted from the
supreme issue facing the Irish people, the unity and
freedom of Ireland." Compare that situation with the
situation today.
When the IRA ended its armed campaign in more recent times
it did so to advance the peace process and the republican
struggle. In 1962 the IRA statement called upon Irish
people to support and mobilise around republican objectives
and expressed confidence for the future of our struggle if
that happened.
This generation of republicans has risen to that challenge.
People nowadays are mobilising around republican objectives
like never before. Today there are more republicans on this
island than at any time since the 1920s.
The British and the unionists are challenged by a
republican party – Sinn Féin - stronger than at any
time in living memory – and growing. We know that with
hard work and clear strategies we will continue to
make advances.
But to make further advances we need to build our struggle;
build our party and build our political strength. But all
of us need to remain focused on what this struggle is about
and what we are seeking to achieve. We need always to remember
the huge sacrifices made by those like Seán Sabhat and
Feargal Ó hAnnluain and their families.
The struggle is about breaking the connection with Britain.
It's about uniting orange and green in a new united
Ireland. It's about building a genuinely egalitarian
national republic.
It's about equality and social justice for all our people.
It's about making the Proclamation of 1916 a reality. It's
about ensuring the continuation of the process of change
which will achieve these goals.
All of which brings me to the current situation.
I am very aware of the irony that this is my first public
engagement since the Sinn Fein Ard Chomhairle decided last
Friday to call a special Ard Fheis to decide our party's
attitude to the PSNI.
I see no contradiction in honouring the sacrifices of
Feargal Ó hAnnluain and Seán Sabhat and the other IRA
volunteers who went out to attack the RUC at Brookborough
and half a century later in commending Sinn Féin's policing
proposals to the republican people of this island.
I do not for one minute underestimate the difficulties
republicans have in addressing this issue.
We have all lived through the days of sectarian and
political policing. The violent excesses of the RUC and
their surrogates in the unionist death squads have touched
every person here.
Our approach has to be about ending all of that. Ignoring
policing is simply not an option.
Sinn Féin brought the issue of policing into the heart of
the negotiations which led to the Good Friday Agreement.
We did that because it was clear that peace could never be
underpinned while the RUC remained intact - directing
policy, directing death squads and oppressing our people
The transfer of powers on policing and justice away from
London and into
Irish hands will be an advance for the democratic struggle
on this island. That is why it has met so much resistance
within the British and unionist establishment.
So for many reasons republicans need to come at this issue
strategically.
The big question we all need to ask ourselves is: are our
republican objectives more achievable if we secure the
level playing field set out in the Good Friday Agreement?
The answer to this question and others like it is yes.
Be sure of this, getting our strategy right on this is
inevitably bound up with how we move forward beyond
partition to the Republic.
Despite major advances in recent years Sinn Fein does not
yet command sufficient political strength to realise our
primary and ultimate aims.
We do well to remember that struggles cannot be won without
the support of people, and a huge battle for hearts and
minds has still to be waged, to mobilise greater levels
of popular support behind republican aims and objectives.
There are no short cuts to independence and a New Ireland.
"Republican strategy today is about building political
strength; popularising republican ideas; and, mobilising,
organising and strategising how we achieve a free, united
Ireland.
As part of this we have to secure a new peaceful accord
with our unionist neigbours based upon equality. The new
Ireland cannot be built solely on our terms. This is the
context in which we must approach the issues of policing
and justice.
Our strategic focus has been to break the grip of the
unionist elite, the NIO, and British securocrats, whose
efforts are about keeping political policing.
Our efforts have been to end political policing.
Consequently, Sinn Fein has pursued a relentless
negotiation strategy since 1999. Significant progress has
been made on key policing and justice issues in this
period.
The party leadership believe this represents a sustainable
basis to deliver a new beginning to policing in the context
of our strategic objectives; the full implementation of the
Good Friday Agreement; and, moving the struggle closer to
our primary aim of Irish independence, self determination,
and sovereignty.
This strategic initiative presents a massive challenge for
republicans. But like all republican initiatives, it is
risky. The Brookeborough raid was risky. Struggle of any
kind is risky. We should remember that those who want to
maximise change, must be prepared to take the greatest
risks.
In turn, activists must bring a long term and national
perspective to what we do next. We all need to be clear
sighted about how we advance the outcome of this
negotiation towards where we want to be:
* beyond the assembly election in March 07;
* beyond the full restoration of the assembly, executive
and all-Ireland institutions;
* beyond the general election in the south in May/June 07;
* and, in relation to the overall balance of political
forces nationally.
In the weeks ahead we will debate all these issues.
The Sinn Féin leadership will continue to set out what we
believe has been achieved. We will set out what we believe
are the necessary next steps in advancing our struggle.
That is our responsibility.
It is your responsibility to engage and to bring to this
debate your knowledge and experience as activists grounded
in struggle.
We also need to ensure that there is room for everyone to
express their views, that we talk to those who have been
victims of collusion and state murder, the families of our
patriot dead and republican veterans. Let us have our
debate, take our decision and move forward united.
Republicans have never lacked courage. The courage to take
up arms like Seán and Feargal in their time, and countless
other men and women in our own time. The courage to
confront injustice and discrimination. The courage to seize
an opportunity for peace. The courage to take risks and at
all times to move forward.
For years we stayed outside policing structures because
that was the best way to bring about change. Now we want to
move into those structures because that is now the best way
to maximise that change.
Our intention, if the Ard Fheis agrees with the Ard
Chomhairle, is to ensure that no police officer ever again
does what was done on our people without being held to
account.
If the Ard Fheis accepts our proposal Sinn Féin
representatives will work to ensure that political
policing, collusion and "the force within a force" is a
thing of the past and oppose any involvement by the British
Security Service/MI5 in civic policing.
And Sinn Fein representatives will robustly support the
demands for:
:: equality of treatment for all victims,
:: effective truth recovery mechanisms,
:: acknowledgement by the British State of its involvement in
wrongdoing including collusion with loyalist
paramilitaries,
:: to ensure that there is no place in the PSNI for human
rights abusers.
By building political strength we can build the capacity to
move our entire struggle forward. By building political
strength we can build the capacity to move both the British
government and the unionists and influence directly
the political agenda in the 26 counties.
"I believe if we advance together, united behind our
republican goals, we will win our freedom and build the
united Ireland for which Seán Sabhat and Feargal Ó
hAnnluain gave their lives.
That is our duty.
Tá a lan obair le deanamh again. Leanagai ar aghaigh ó an
ait stairuil seo agus deanagai an obair seo.
*************************
http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/breaking-news/ireland/politics/article2117227.ece
New Warnings From DUP Over Devolution
[Published: Monday 1, January 2007 - 18:01]
The Government would be sounding the death knell for
devolution in Northern Ireland if it tries to impose a
justice minister on the Stormont Assembly next year, a
senior unionist warned tonight.
Democratic Unionist deputy leader Peter Robinson said that
his party would not accept any move by the Government to
appoint a justice minister and deputy over the heads of
political parties at Stormont if they could not elect them
themselves.
The east Belfast MP also stressed that his party would not
accept any concession given to republicans over the return
of on-the-run paramilitaries to Northern Ireland.
He also dismissed Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams' claim
today that republican support for the Police Service of
Northern Ireland would advance their cause of a united
Ireland.
After suggestions that London would move to appoint a
justice minister and deputy if they could not be elected in
the Assembly in a cross community vote, Mr Robinson said,
"If that were ever to happen, it would be the death knell
for devolution."
"The suggestion that a national government could appoint
ministers to a devolved government is so preposterous that
it is unworthy of devolution."
The Northern Ireland Office is believed to have made the
proposal in a paper that has been circulated to members of
the Transitional Assembly's subgroup on policing and
justice.
The proposal is due to be discussed this week by the
subgroup, possibly on Thursday.
Mr. Robinson, however, said tonight that he did not think
that unionists would be duped by Sinn Fein's claim that
support for the PSNI advanced the cause of a united
Ireland.
The DUP deputy leader said, "I do not think unionists will
be convinced by Sinn Fein giving support to the PSNI and
the British courts in Northern Ireland that it is in real
terms a step towards a united Ireland."
"Most people will recognise he is attempting to put a gloss
on it for republicans."
"It would be far better if people were to recognise that in
a democratic society you could not have people in
government who do not support the police and the courts."
"That support is an essential step for anyone who aspires
to be in government."
© Belfast Telegraph
*************************
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/6194973.stm
Deadlines, Deadlock And New Dawns?
By Mark Devenport
BBC Northern Ireland political editor
As 2006 came to a close, the Stormont assembly building
appeared a hive of activity.
Committees discussed water charges, rural planning and
education, both in public sessions and behind closed doors.
The chamber resounded to debates on the elderly, the future
of the fire service and mental health.
But was this the herald of a new dawn for devolution, or
merely an illusion of progress?
One signal of the continued abnormality of politics in
Northern Ireland came when the most striking image was
provided not by a visiting prime minister or chancellor,
but by one of the most notorious terrorists of the Troubles
being stuck in the revolving doors at Stormont.
The failed assault on the assembly building on 24 November
bordered on the farcical, yet had it not been for the
bravery of the unarmed security staff it might have
provided a much darker reminder of the potential danger
still run by local politicians.
When the year began, the chances of progress looked slim.
The collapse of the so-called Stormontgate case at the end
of 2005 did not make restoring Stormont any easier.
Unionists continued to question Sinn Fein's fitness for
government, whilst the parties fell out over the
governments plans to enable the return of paramilitary
fugitives still "on the run".
Peter Hain's U-turn, withdrawing the bill in January,
became inevitable after Sinn Fein's decision the month
previously to drop its support for the scheme because it
would have also covered soldiers and police officers
suspected of crimes like collusion with loyalists.
Against an unpromising backdrop, Tony Blair and Bertie
Ahern decided to visit Navan Fort in April.
After a slow start, the St Andrews negotiations delivered
more than most observers had expected
When it was home to the ancient kings of Ulster and the red
branch knights, Navan saw many battles for power.
But now the two premiers were doing their best to give
power away to the local parties.
Days before the two prime ministers touched down in Armagh,
the grim news broke that the body of the double agent Denis
Donaldson had been found with gunshot wounds at an isolated
house in Donegal.
The former Sinn Fein official revealed his work for the
British intelligence services shortly after charges had
been dropped against him in the Stormontgate case, which
led to the suspension of Stormont in 2002.
As 2006 drew to an end, there was no sign of anyone being
charged over Mr Donaldson's brutal murder.
The premiers pushed ahead, announcing a new devolution
deadline of 24 November.
If a power-sharing executive had not been formed by then,
they warned unionists that their two governments would
embark on a new era of joint stewardship.
It sounded like a return to the days of the Anglo-Irish
Agreement.
In May, Secretary of State Peter Hain set up a shadow
assembly in the hope that the politicians might make more
progress if they were cheek by jowl in the assembly
building.
An attempt by Gerry Adams to nominate Ian Paisley and
Martin McGuinness as first and deputy first ministers met
with a sharp rebuff from the DUP leader.
Initial shenanigans
But after some initial shenanigans about who should chair a
new committee designed to prepare for a return to devolved
government, the mood became more positive as the summer
wore on.
The parties, for example, agreed that if policing and
justice ministers are ever transferred to local politicians
they should be handled by a single department rather than
two separate ministries.
But on the wider front a stand-off persisted, with the DUP
insisting that Sinn Fein must support the police
immediately and without conditions and Sinn Fein requiring
a DUP commitment to power sharing and a date for the
transfer of policing and justice powers to a devolved
department.
In October, Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern summoned the
parties to St Andrews in Scotland for three days of
intensive talks.
After a slow start, the negotiations delivered more than
most observers had expected.
Instead of a deadline for the actual restoration of
devolution, 24 November was changed to a target for the
nomination of shadow first and deputy first ministers.
Dr No, it seemed, had become Dr Maybe
And 26 March 2007 became the new deadline for the return of
a power-sharing executive, whilst May 2008 was set as the
target date for the transfer of policing powers.
At St Andrews, Ian Paisley and his wife Eileen celebrated
their golden wedding anniversary.
The Irish government presented him with a wooden bowl
carved from a tree which had stood at the site of the
Battle of the Boyne.
Although the agreement was officially a deal only between
the two governments, the tone of Dr Paisley's remarks
indicated he associated himself with St Andrews in a very
personal way.
He talked about keeping his pledges and building a better
future for Northern Ireland's children.
The drama at the assembly deflected attention from a
statement by 12 DUP MLAs, insisting that neither Ian
Paisley nor Martin McGuinness should be given any status as
shadow first or deputy first ministers
Dr No, it seemed, had become Dr Maybe.
Inevitably, the choreography did not work out as intended.
An early meeting between Ian Paisley and Gerry Adams was
derailed amidst a row over when and how a ministerial
pledge should deal with policing.
But the government pushed ahead with legislation putting St
Andrews into effect.
When 24 November came, Gerry Adams once again proposed
Martin McGuinness as deputy first minister.
Head-scratcher
But under revised assembly rules it fell to Ian Paisley to
indicate whether he would nominate himself.
His highly ambiguous speech left many assembly members
scratching their heads.
But in what had now become known as the "Vicky Pollard
manoeuvre" the government deemed the DUP's "yeah, but no
but" response as sufficient.
The politicians continued to receive their salaries and
allowances and a new "Transitional assembly" came into
life.
On the margins, both the DUP and Sinn Fein leaderships
have to deal with grassroots unionists and republicans who
accuse them of selling out
With the Alliance leader David Ford still on his feet, a
security alarm interrupted the 24 November proceedings.
Politicians spilled out of a side door into a heavy
downpour and soon the rumours went around of a failed
assault on the assembly.
Unarmed security staff were captured on camera tackling the
loyalist Michael Stone, who has since been charged with
attempting to murder five people, including Gerry Adams and
Martin McGuinness.
The drama at the assembly deflected attention from a
statement by 12 DUP MLAs, insisting that neither Ian
Paisley nor Martin McGuinness should be given any status as
shadow first or deputy first ministers.
One of them, the North Belfast MP Nigel Dodds, told Inside
Politics that the so-called 12 Apostles were not
dissidents.
However, it was clear that DUP politicians like the MEP Jim
Allister were far from enthusiastic about the St Andrews
deal.
If the logjam continues, many observers believe both the
election campaign due to begin in February and the
restoration of devolution in March will be in doubt
On the margins, both the DUP and Sinn Fein leaderships have
to deal with grassroots unionists and republicans who
accuse them of selling out.
Days after the drama, the new Programme for Government
Committee set up a series of sub-groups looking at a range
of issues.
One dealt with the crucial topic of policing and justice.
But the heavy lifting on policing came not at the Stormont
committee but during an intensive round of Christmas
negotiations involving Tony Blair, Peter Hain and the DUP
and Sinn Fein leaderships.
The government proposed a future policing and justice
minister should be elected by a cross community vote,
meaning that - for an initial period - neither the DUP nor
Sinn Fein would get the job. A variation on an earlier DUP
proposal, this "self denying ordinance" - as Peter Hain
described it - meant either the SDLP or the Ulster
Unionists might take the portfolio.
The other party would fill a deputy minister post. Either
way it made the transfer of such sensitive powers became a
far more real prospect. Apparently armed with promises from
the government on the future role of MI5 and the use of
plastic bullets, Sinn Fein indicated they were ready to
hold an historic ard fheis or party conference in January.
Gerry Adams would tell his followers to back the police and
the courts, something inconceivable throughout the
troubles.
However, Sinn Fein did make their move conditional on a
positive response from the government and the DUP.
The DUP deputy leader Peter Robinson acknowledged the
move's historic potential, but some of his colleagues
appeared less impressed.
However as the new year arrived the Sinn Fein initiative
made the chances of an election going ahead in February and
devolution being restored in March look much greater than
they had appeared before Christmas.
Story from BBC NEWS:
Published: 2007/01/01 10:04:48 GMT
© BBC MMVII
*************************
http://www.utvlive.com/newsroom/indepth.asp?id=78953&pt=n
UUP's Jim Wilson Steps Down
Veteran Ulster Unionist Jim Wilson is to bow out of the
Stormont Assembly at the next election, he has announced.
By:Press Association
The South Antrim MLA revealed he will not be contesting the
March 2007 poll in order to spend more time with his
family.
At the height of his political career Mr Wilson, 65, was
Chief Whip of the UUP`s Assembly until he was appointed
Deputy Speaker in 2002.
But he said: "I think it is time for me to alter course.
Thirty three years in front line politics in Northern
Ireland has shaped my way of life.
"There are other things I want to do. I have discussed the
matter at length with my family and after careful
reflection I have decided that I would like to take life a
little easier and spend more time with my wife, my son and
daughter and their families including five grandchildren.
"Throughout my political career I have had full support
from my family and they support this decision now. I have
just celebrated my 65th birthday and that to me seems an
ideal time to retire - were I in employment outside of
politics I would probably be forced to go."
Mr Wilson, who worked as an apprentice engineer at Harland
& Wolff shipyard before joining the Merchant Navy and later
setting up a retail grocery business, was appointed general
secretary of the UUP in 1987.
He had joined the party in 1976 after an earlier dalliance
with the Vanguard Unionist Party.
From 1983 until 1997 he was Chairman of the Ballyclare
Ulster Unionist Branch and is the current Vice President of
the South Antrim Ulster Unionist Association.
In 1998, following the Good Friday Agreement and the
ensuing referendum, he was elected to serve South Antrim in
the Stormont Parliament.
Despite deciding to stand down, Mr Wilson pledged to
continue supporting the UUP.
He added: "I have worn many hats in my political career and
the last nine years as an Assembly Member have been both
rewarding and frustrating for me.
"During the short period of devolved government I am
convinced that local politicians made a real difference to
Northern Ireland and I am disappointed that I was not able
to have the same level of influence in the last few years
since the Assembly was suspended.
"I sincerely hope that the Assembly will be restored
following the upcoming elections.
"It has been a pleasure for me to serve the people of South
Antrim as an elected representative. I hope I have executed
my duties to the best of my ability and I would like to
thank everyone who has shown me support over the years."
*************************
http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/breaking-news/ireland/politics/article2119035.ece
Sinn Fein Assembly Member To Step Down
[Published: Monday 1, January 2007 - 19:46]
A Sinn Fein Assembly member tonight became the second
member of its Stormont team to step down after only serving
one term - but insisted it was for personal reasons, and
has nothing to do with the party's recent decision on
policing.
Mid Ulster MLA Geraldine Dougan confirmed she would not be
putting her name forward to the party's selection
convention for the constituency for the next Assembly
election scheduled for March.
She said her decision was taken purely on personal and
family grounds.
"I have thoroughly enjoyed my team as an Assembly member,
serving the people of Mid Ulster and particularly South
Derry since my election in 2003," she said.
"However, after much thought and discussions with family
and friends I have decided that for purely personal and
family reasons that I will not be seeking a nomination from
the local party to run in the Assembly Election planned for
March.
"I would wish to thank all of those people who have voted
for me and supported me in the past."
Ms Dougan's decision mirrors that of Sinn Fein's North
Belfast Assembly member
Kathy Stanton who also announced she would step down after
one term.
Miss Stanton also cited personal reasons and denied claims
that it was because she was unhappy with the party's moves
to endorse the Police Service of Northern Ireland.
Sinn Fein members also deselected two Assembly members in
Newry and Armagh, Davy Hyland and Pat O'Rawe.
However, the party's executive has yet to ratify the Newry
and Armagh selection convention result.
Mr Hyland has warned he could run against the party as an
Independent and claimed he was being punished for raising
concerns about the party's policing plans.
© Belfast Telegraph
*************************
http://www.breakingnews.ie/ireland/?jp=CWSNKFEYAUGB&rss=rss1
Sister Makes Plea For Margaret Hassan's Body
31/12/2006 - 20:27:41
The sister of Irish aid worker Margaret Hassan, who was
taken hostage and killed in Iraq, has called on the Muslim
community to demand the return of her body in the wake of
Saddam Hussein’s death.
Deirdre Fitzsimons compared the outrage generated by the
former dictator’s execution with the “deafening” silence
over her sister’s own kidnapping and torture.
She said Muslims were angry that Saddam had been hanged
during the festival of Eid but had shown no reaction when
Mrs Hassan was seized during Ramadan.
Dublin-born charity worker Margaret Hassan had lived in
Iraq for 30 years before she was kidnapped in October 2004
and shot a month later.
In a statement today, Ms Fitzsimons said her family had
“begged and begged” for the release of her body so that she
could be given a proper burial.
She said: “All through the terrible time of Margaret’s
kidnapping and torture the silence of the Muslim community
both here and abroad was deafening.
“Our family has begged and begged for the release of her
body, to allow us to bury her with some dignity and
according to our religion.”
Ms Fitzsimons added: “Although I do not agree with the
death penalty, it does not serve the Muslim community well
to be outraged by Saddam’s execution during Eid.
“Saddam murdered hundreds of thousands but at least he was
buried in the family grave and according to his own
religion.”
Mrs Hassan had been head of operations for humanitarian
group Care International for around 12 years in the country
before she was taken hostage.
Ms Fitzsimons described her as a woman who “devoted her
life to the poor and sick of Iraq”.
*************************
http://www.boston.com/news/local/politics/candidates/articles/2006/12/31/the_infuential/
Bostonians Of The Year: Peter Meade
The Influential
From health insurance overhauls to gay-adoption politics,
Peter Meade inserted himself into the year's biggest
debates - and got results.
By Doug Most December 31, 2006
So you had a busy year. Started a new job, had A BABY,
bought a house, maybe discovered a few stem-cell lines.
Even so, you’d be hard-pressed to match the to-do list of
one roundish, bespectacled Dorchester native and former WBZ
radio talk-show host. Pick some of this year’s thorniest
issues, and Peter Meade was in the middle of them. A
groundbreaking health insurance plan – check. Catholic
Charities of Boston abandoning adoption work to avoid
working with gay parents – check. Cardinal Sean O’Malley
reviewing local parish closings – check. Progress, though
tortuously slow, along what’s supposed to be the city’s
jewel of the future, the Rose Kennedy Greenway – check.
Even when 2,000 Boston-area Jews gathered in Brookline to
show their solidarity with Israel, there was Meade,
Catholic activist and first-generation Irish-American,
leading a "We support Israel" chant. All of this, and he
still fulfilled his job as executive vice president of
corporate affairs for Blue Cross and Blue Shield of
Massachusetts, a job that creates its share of enemies –
especially when the insurer predicts a double-digit rate
hike in 2007.
Meade’s deep civic roots trace back to the 1970s, when
Mayor Kevin White threw the 29-year-old into the job of
public safety coordinator of Boston Public Schools in the
midst of the city’s busing crisis. The experience helped
earn Meade the label of trouble-shooter, a label he carried
better than ever in 2006. Yet, if you were to walk down any
street in Boston and ask strangers who Peter Meade is,
you’d probably get blank stares. Jack Connors? Yes, know
him. Jack Welch? Of course. Gloria Larson? Sure. Peter
Meade? Who? "I’ve been a radio host," the 60-year-old Meade
says. "I don’t crave the spotlight now."
But there are moments when it finds him anyway. Meade was
one of six children raised Catholic by a jail-guard father
and homemaking mother. So what’s a good Catholic to do when
the same church that made him the man he is decides to do
something that goes against everything he believes in? Lead
a revolt. When Catholic Charities announced last spring
that after 103 years of placing children with adoptive
parents that it would abandon the business altogether
rather than continue to place children with gay parents and
go against the Vatican’s teaching, Meade resigned his board
position at the organization; several other board members
followed. "It was very difficult," Meade now says of the
decision. "And also very clear to me. Part of the
difficulty was the admiration I have for Cardinal Sean."
But, he says, he couldn’t ignore the gay parents who had
already adopted children through Catholic Charities. "I
couldn’t look them in the eye."
That was Peter Meade, Catholic and community leader. What
he did for healthcare in the state was Peter Meade, power
broker. After state legislators came tantalizingly close to
approving a health insurance plan to cover uninsured
residents – only to see the deal nearly die – Meade and
Connors, the board chairman of Partners HealthCare, joined
forces with a small group of business leaders in March.
They devised a strategy in which businesses with 11 or more
employees and no healthcare coverage would have to pay a
$295 levy per full-time worker. Voila: law. Though he
downplays his role, quoting others before him – "Victory
has a thousand fathers, but defeat is an orphan" – he
acknowledges it was fulfilling to be in the middle of such
an important act that now has others states asking: How’d
you do that? Maybe if every state had a Peter Meade, a lot
more would get done.
Doug Most is the editor of the Globe Magazine. E-mail him
at dmost@globe.com.
© Copyright 2006 Globe Newspaper Company.
----
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Sinn Fein’s Angelic Gerry Adams and policing & justice spokesman Gerry Kelly at a press conference following the ardcomhairle meeting in Dublin.
SF 01/01/04 Adams – SF Wants To Achieve Maximum Change
BT 01/01/07 New Warnings From DUP Over Devolution
BB 01/01/07 Deadlines, Deadlock And New Dawns?
UT 01/01/07 UUP's Jim Wilson Steps Down
BT 01/01/07 Sinn Fein Assembly Member To Step Down
BN 12/31/06 Sister Makes Plea For Margaret Hassan's Body
BG 12/31/06 Bostonians Of The Year: Peter Meade
*************************
http://www.sinnfein.ie/news/detail/17250
Adams - Sinn Féin Wants To Achieve Maximum Change
Published: 1 January, 2007
Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams MP speaking at an event to
commemorate Seán Sabhat and Feargal Ó hAnnluain who were
killed on this day 50 years during the Brookeborough raid
in County Fermanagh. Speaking in Fermanagh Mr. Adams said:
"Republican strategy today is about building political
strength; popularising republican ideas; and, mobilising,
organising and strategising how we achieve a free, united
Ireland.
As part of this we have to secure a new peaceful accord
with our unionist neigbours based upon equality. The new
Ireland cannot be built solely on our terms. This is the
context in which we must approach the issues of policing
and justice.
Our strategic focus has been to break the grip of the
unionist elite, the NIO, and British securocrats, whose
efforts are about keeping political policing.
Our efforts have been to end political policing.
Consequently, Sinn Fein has pursued a relentless
negotiation strategy since 1999. Significant progress has
been made on key policing and justice issues in this
period.
The party leadership believe this represents a sustainable
basis to deliver a new beginning to policing in the context
of our strategic objectives; the full implementation of the
Good Friday Agreement; and, moving the struggle closer to
our primary aim of Irish independence, self determination,
and sovereignty.
This strategic initiative presents a massive challenge for
republicans. But like all republican initiatives, it is
risky. The Brookeborough raid was risky. Struggle of any
kind is risky. We should remember that those who want to
maximise change, must be prepared to take the greatest
risks.
In turn, activists must bring a long term and national
perspective to what we do next. We all need to be clear
sighted about how we advance the outcome of this
negotiation towards where we want to be:
* beyond the assembly election in March 07;
* beyond the full restoration of the assembly, executive
and all-Ireland institutions;
* beyond the general election in the south in May/June 07;
* and, in relation to the overall balance of political
forces nationally.
In the weeks ahead we will debate all these issues.
The Sinn Féin leadership will continue to set out what we
believe has been achieved. We will set out what we believe
are the necessary next steps in advancing our struggle.
That is our responsibility.
It is your responsibility to engage and to bring to this
debate your knowledge and experience as activists grounded
in struggle.
We also need to ensure that there is room for everyone to
express their views, that we talk to those who have been
victims of collusion and state murder, the families of our
patriot dead and republican veterans. Let us have our
debate, take our decision and move forward united.
Republicans have never lacked courage. The courage to take
up arms like Seán and Feargal in their time, and countless
other men and women in our own time. The courage to
confront injustice and discrimination. The courage to seize
an opportunity for peace. The courage to take risks and at
all times to move forward.
For years we stayed outside policing structures because
that was the best way to bring about change. Now we want to
move into those structures because that is now the best way
to maximise that change.
Our intention, if the Ard Fheis agrees with the Ard
Chomhairle, is to ensure that no police officer ever again
does what was done on our people without being held to
account.
If the Ard Fheis accepts our proposal Sinn Féin
representatives will work to ensure that political
policing, collusion and "the force within a force" is a
thing of the past and oppose any involvement by the British
Security Service/MI5 in civic policing.
And Sinn Fein representatives will robustly support the
demands for:
:: equality of treatment for all victims,
:: effective truth recovery mechanisms,
:: acknowledgement by the British State of its involvement
in wrongdoing including collusion with loyalist
paramilitaries,
:: to ensure that there is no place in the PSNI for human
rights abusers.
By building political strength we can build the capacity to
move our entire struggle forward. By building political
strength we can build the capacity to move both the British
government and the unionists and influence directly
the political agenda in the 26 counties.
"I believe if we advance together, united behind our
republican goals, we will win our freedom and build the
united Ireland for which Seán Sabhat and Feargal Ó
hAnnluain gave their lives."ENDS
CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY - FULL TEXT
Ba mhaith liom tús a dhéanamh le fáilte chuig an ócáid
speisialta seo a chur romhaibh uilig.
Ba mhaith liom buíochas speisialta ghabháil le gach duine
ar Choiste an Chaogú Cuimhneachán ar Fheargal Ó hAnnluain
agus Seán Sabhat - tá dian-obair déanta acu le linn na
míonna seo caite leis an chuimhneachán seo a eagrú; leis a
leabhar breá seo a fhoilsiú - comhghairdeas.
Ba mhaith liom fáilte a chur roimh na daoine sin a ghlac
páirt, i gcomhar le Feargal agus Seán, san ionsaí stairiúil
sin caoga bliain ó shin inniu. Ba mhaith liom fáilte a chur
roimh teaghlach Fheargal Uí Annluain.
Bhí deartháir Sheáin Shabhat le bheith linn inniu ach ní
raibh sé ábalta teacht sa deireadh. Guímid gach rath air.
I want to begin by welcoming you all here today on this
very special occasion.
I want to say a special word of thanks and commendation -
Comhairgdeas - to all of those in the Feargal Ó hAnnluain
and Seán Sabhat 50th Anniversary Committee who worked very
hard over many months to organise this commemoration; the
other events and who produced this very fine 48 page booklet.
I want to welcome those who participated with Feargal and
Seán on that fateful Brookeborough raid 50 years ago today.
And I want to especially welcome the family of Feargal Ó
hAnnluain, his sister, brothers and other members of the
family.
I am sure they will understand me extending a special
welcome to Fergal's sister Pádraigín Uí Mhurchadha who is
the longest serving Sinn Féin councillor in Co. Monaghan
with 21 years unbroken service to the people on Monaghan
Town Council.
Fergal's brother Éineachán was one of the four Sinn Féin
TDs elected in 1957. Their cousin Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin next
year will have served for a decade as Sinn Féin TD for
Cavan-Monaghan
Seán Sabhat's brother Seamus was due to be with us today
but couldn't make it because he is unwell. Our best wishes
go to him.
We owe a deep and heartfelt thank you to the families of
Feargal Ó hAnnluain and Seán Sabhat. We are very proud of
you and of the dignified example you have consistently set.
Feargal Ó hAnnluain and Seán Sabhat were two young men from
almost opposite ends of this island. Feargal was from
Monaghan, Seán was from Limerick.
Feargal Ó hAnnluain was almost 21. Seán Sabhat was 28. Both
men, and their comrades in the North Fermanagh Resistance
Column - generally known as the Pearse Column - were
resolutely opposed to British rule in our country.
Fergal and Seán were part of a major, planned resistance
campaign by the IRA which was formally launched on December
12th 1956.
'Operation Harvest' had been years in the planning. The
early 1950s saw an intensification of training and arms
procurement and a series of daring raids on places like
Ebrington Barracks in Derry in 1951 and Gough Barracks in
Armagh in 1954.
More and more people were also turning to Irish republicans
for political leadership. In May 1955 two republican
prisoners, Tom Mitchell in Mid Ulster and Phil Clarke here
in Fermanagh South Tyrone were elected as MPs. Later in
1957 four Sinn Féin TDs were elected.
'Operation Harvest' was an ambitious plan. Its inspiration
were the guerrilla tactics employed so successfully during
the Tan War and in particular the use of flying columns.
The first engagement by the Pearse Column was an attack on
Lisnaskea barracks on December 13th. The column was led by
Sean Garland and Daithí Ó Conaill was second in command. I
remember at a commemoration in Monaghan how Daithí Ó
Conaill enthralled us all with his account of the
Brookeborough raid.
As he recalled it that day there was snow on the ground and
in the hills. 14 IRA Volunteers set out in a lorry from
Bunlogher at around 7pm to attack the RUC barracks in
Brookeborough village. 11 volunteers lay in the back of the
truck. They were armed with a
mixture of weapons, including two Bren guns, two Thompsons,
and 303 rifles. They also had two mines, six grenades and
six Molotov cocktails.
They drove their lorry up to the front of the barracks.
The two mines were placed at the front door but both failed
to explode. In the gun battle that ensued Feargal Ó
hAnnluain and Seán Sabhat were mortally wounded. Four other
volunteers were also shot. Sean Garland ordered the column
to withdraw. The lorry had been badly damaged. It stopped
here at Altawark crossroads and Feargal and Seán were
carried into a farm building.
When it was clear that both were dead Daithí Ó Conaill, who
now took command from a wounded Seán Garland, ordered all
the remaining members of the column to begin the long and
exhausting journey across country toward the border.
As they made their way over rough terrain, through deep
snow drifts and bog land, carrying their wounded, two more
volunteers were injured. All the time they were being
pursued. Two helicopters and up to 4,000 RUC, B Specials
and others were involved in an intensive search of the
area.
After many difficult hours they reached Mulligan's house in
County Monaghan. The injured were taken initially to
Monaghan hospital before being moved to Dublin. The others
were arrested and spent six months in prison. Thousands
turned out in Monaghan, Dublin and Limerick at the funerals
of Feargal Ó hAnnluain and Seán Sabhat.
At Feargal Ó hAnnluain's graveside Noel Kavanagh said: "If
you wish to erect a monument to this Volunteer I ask you to
erect a monument which can be seen all over the world. I
have in mind a monument that Fergal would like and that
monument is the Irish Republic."
Diarmaid Ó Donnchadha giving the oration for Seán Sabhat
said: "Ba mhór aige prionsabhail, ba mhór aige saoirse,
ba mhor aige Gaelachas.
He died for my freedom; for my sake, for your sake, for the
sake of the generations that are to come ... let his life
and his death be a lesson and a guide to all of us. Ní
hamháin gur lean sé lorg Mhic Piarias agus Emmet agus Tone,
ach dhein sé staidéar ar dhúchas agus stair Gael ó thosach
ré na staire - agus dhein sé beart dá réir."
The Taoiseach John A Costello was praised by the Unionist
regime in the north when he condemned the attack. Costello
was supported in his stand by Fianna Fáil leader Eamon De
Valera.
Three months later Fianna Fáil came to power.
Immediately it embarked on a vigorous policy of repression,
including the widespread use of internment. De Valera
invoked the Offences against the State Act. Five years
later Operation Harvest was formally brought to an end.
The IRA were entirely right to embark on the Border
Campaign in 1956. In 1962 when they called an end to that
campaign that was also their right and judgement.
Just as it was the right and the judgement of the IRA in
more recent times to bring an end to its armed campaign.
And I also think it is worth recalling the IRA statement
issued in
February 1962.
The IRA ended its campaign because in their own words the
Irish people had been 'deliberately distracted from the
supreme issue facing the Irish people, the unity and
freedom of Ireland." Compare that situation with the
situation today.
When the IRA ended its armed campaign in more recent times
it did so to advance the peace process and the republican
struggle. In 1962 the IRA statement called upon Irish
people to support and mobilise around republican objectives
and expressed confidence for the future of our struggle if
that happened.
This generation of republicans has risen to that challenge.
People nowadays are mobilising around republican objectives
like never before. Today there are more republicans on this
island than at any time since the 1920s.
The British and the unionists are challenged by a
republican party – Sinn Féin - stronger than at any
time in living memory – and growing. We know that with
hard work and clear strategies we will continue to
make advances.
But to make further advances we need to build our struggle;
build our party and build our political strength. But all
of us need to remain focused on what this struggle is about
and what we are seeking to achieve. We need always to remember
the huge sacrifices made by those like Seán Sabhat and
Feargal Ó hAnnluain and their families.
The struggle is about breaking the connection with Britain.
It's about uniting orange and green in a new united
Ireland. It's about building a genuinely egalitarian
national republic.
It's about equality and social justice for all our people.
It's about making the Proclamation of 1916 a reality. It's
about ensuring the continuation of the process of change
which will achieve these goals.
All of which brings me to the current situation.
I am very aware of the irony that this is my first public
engagement since the Sinn Fein Ard Chomhairle decided last
Friday to call a special Ard Fheis to decide our party's
attitude to the PSNI.
I see no contradiction in honouring the sacrifices of
Feargal Ó hAnnluain and Seán Sabhat and the other IRA
volunteers who went out to attack the RUC at Brookborough
and half a century later in commending Sinn Féin's policing
proposals to the republican people of this island.
I do not for one minute underestimate the difficulties
republicans have in addressing this issue.
We have all lived through the days of sectarian and
political policing. The violent excesses of the RUC and
their surrogates in the unionist death squads have touched
every person here.
Our approach has to be about ending all of that. Ignoring
policing is simply not an option.
Sinn Féin brought the issue of policing into the heart of
the negotiations which led to the Good Friday Agreement.
We did that because it was clear that peace could never be
underpinned while the RUC remained intact - directing
policy, directing death squads and oppressing our people
The transfer of powers on policing and justice away from
London and into
Irish hands will be an advance for the democratic struggle
on this island. That is why it has met so much resistance
within the British and unionist establishment.
So for many reasons republicans need to come at this issue
strategically.
The big question we all need to ask ourselves is: are our
republican objectives more achievable if we secure the
level playing field set out in the Good Friday Agreement?
The answer to this question and others like it is yes.
Be sure of this, getting our strategy right on this is
inevitably bound up with how we move forward beyond
partition to the Republic.
Despite major advances in recent years Sinn Fein does not
yet command sufficient political strength to realise our
primary and ultimate aims.
We do well to remember that struggles cannot be won without
the support of people, and a huge battle for hearts and
minds has still to be waged, to mobilise greater levels
of popular support behind republican aims and objectives.
There are no short cuts to independence and a New Ireland.
"Republican strategy today is about building political
strength; popularising republican ideas; and, mobilising,
organising and strategising how we achieve a free, united
Ireland.
As part of this we have to secure a new peaceful accord
with our unionist neigbours based upon equality. The new
Ireland cannot be built solely on our terms. This is the
context in which we must approach the issues of policing
and justice.
Our strategic focus has been to break the grip of the
unionist elite, the NIO, and British securocrats, whose
efforts are about keeping political policing.
Our efforts have been to end political policing.
Consequently, Sinn Fein has pursued a relentless
negotiation strategy since 1999. Significant progress has
been made on key policing and justice issues in this
period.
The party leadership believe this represents a sustainable
basis to deliver a new beginning to policing in the context
of our strategic objectives; the full implementation of the
Good Friday Agreement; and, moving the struggle closer to
our primary aim of Irish independence, self determination,
and sovereignty.
This strategic initiative presents a massive challenge for
republicans. But like all republican initiatives, it is
risky. The Brookeborough raid was risky. Struggle of any
kind is risky. We should remember that those who want to
maximise change, must be prepared to take the greatest
risks.
In turn, activists must bring a long term and national
perspective to what we do next. We all need to be clear
sighted about how we advance the outcome of this
negotiation towards where we want to be:
* beyond the assembly election in March 07;
* beyond the full restoration of the assembly, executive
and all-Ireland institutions;
* beyond the general election in the south in May/June 07;
* and, in relation to the overall balance of political
forces nationally.
In the weeks ahead we will debate all these issues.
The Sinn Féin leadership will continue to set out what we
believe has been achieved. We will set out what we believe
are the necessary next steps in advancing our struggle.
That is our responsibility.
It is your responsibility to engage and to bring to this
debate your knowledge and experience as activists grounded
in struggle.
We also need to ensure that there is room for everyone to
express their views, that we talk to those who have been
victims of collusion and state murder, the families of our
patriot dead and republican veterans. Let us have our
debate, take our decision and move forward united.
Republicans have never lacked courage. The courage to take
up arms like Seán and Feargal in their time, and countless
other men and women in our own time. The courage to
confront injustice and discrimination. The courage to seize
an opportunity for peace. The courage to take risks and at
all times to move forward.
For years we stayed outside policing structures because
that was the best way to bring about change. Now we want to
move into those structures because that is now the best way
to maximise that change.
Our intention, if the Ard Fheis agrees with the Ard
Chomhairle, is to ensure that no police officer ever again
does what was done on our people without being held to
account.
If the Ard Fheis accepts our proposal Sinn Féin
representatives will work to ensure that political
policing, collusion and "the force within a force" is a
thing of the past and oppose any involvement by the British
Security Service/MI5 in civic policing.
And Sinn Fein representatives will robustly support the
demands for:
:: equality of treatment for all victims,
:: effective truth recovery mechanisms,
:: acknowledgement by the British State of its involvement in
wrongdoing including collusion with loyalist
paramilitaries,
:: to ensure that there is no place in the PSNI for human
rights abusers.
By building political strength we can build the capacity to
move our entire struggle forward. By building political
strength we can build the capacity to move both the British
government and the unionists and influence directly
the political agenda in the 26 counties.
"I believe if we advance together, united behind our
republican goals, we will win our freedom and build the
united Ireland for which Seán Sabhat and Feargal Ó
hAnnluain gave their lives.
That is our duty.
Tá a lan obair le deanamh again. Leanagai ar aghaigh ó an
ait stairuil seo agus deanagai an obair seo.
*************************
http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/breaking-news/ireland/politics/article2117227.ece
New Warnings From DUP Over Devolution
[Published: Monday 1, January 2007 - 18:01]
The Government would be sounding the death knell for
devolution in Northern Ireland if it tries to impose a
justice minister on the Stormont Assembly next year, a
senior unionist warned tonight.
Democratic Unionist deputy leader Peter Robinson said that
his party would not accept any move by the Government to
appoint a justice minister and deputy over the heads of
political parties at Stormont if they could not elect them
themselves.
The east Belfast MP also stressed that his party would not
accept any concession given to republicans over the return
of on-the-run paramilitaries to Northern Ireland.
He also dismissed Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams' claim
today that republican support for the Police Service of
Northern Ireland would advance their cause of a united
Ireland.
After suggestions that London would move to appoint a
justice minister and deputy if they could not be elected in
the Assembly in a cross community vote, Mr Robinson said,
"If that were ever to happen, it would be the death knell
for devolution."
"The suggestion that a national government could appoint
ministers to a devolved government is so preposterous that
it is unworthy of devolution."
The Northern Ireland Office is believed to have made the
proposal in a paper that has been circulated to members of
the Transitional Assembly's subgroup on policing and
justice.
The proposal is due to be discussed this week by the
subgroup, possibly on Thursday.
Mr. Robinson, however, said tonight that he did not think
that unionists would be duped by Sinn Fein's claim that
support for the PSNI advanced the cause of a united
Ireland.
The DUP deputy leader said, "I do not think unionists will
be convinced by Sinn Fein giving support to the PSNI and
the British courts in Northern Ireland that it is in real
terms a step towards a united Ireland."
"Most people will recognise he is attempting to put a gloss
on it for republicans."
"It would be far better if people were to recognise that in
a democratic society you could not have people in
government who do not support the police and the courts."
"That support is an essential step for anyone who aspires
to be in government."
© Belfast Telegraph
*************************
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/6194973.stm
Deadlines, Deadlock And New Dawns?
By Mark Devenport
BBC Northern Ireland political editor
As 2006 came to a close, the Stormont assembly building
appeared a hive of activity.
Committees discussed water charges, rural planning and
education, both in public sessions and behind closed doors.
The chamber resounded to debates on the elderly, the future
of the fire service and mental health.
But was this the herald of a new dawn for devolution, or
merely an illusion of progress?
One signal of the continued abnormality of politics in
Northern Ireland came when the most striking image was
provided not by a visiting prime minister or chancellor,
but by one of the most notorious terrorists of the Troubles
being stuck in the revolving doors at Stormont.
The failed assault on the assembly building on 24 November
bordered on the farcical, yet had it not been for the
bravery of the unarmed security staff it might have
provided a much darker reminder of the potential danger
still run by local politicians.
When the year began, the chances of progress looked slim.
The collapse of the so-called Stormontgate case at the end
of 2005 did not make restoring Stormont any easier.
Unionists continued to question Sinn Fein's fitness for
government, whilst the parties fell out over the
governments plans to enable the return of paramilitary
fugitives still "on the run".
Peter Hain's U-turn, withdrawing the bill in January,
became inevitable after Sinn Fein's decision the month
previously to drop its support for the scheme because it
would have also covered soldiers and police officers
suspected of crimes like collusion with loyalists.
Against an unpromising backdrop, Tony Blair and Bertie
Ahern decided to visit Navan Fort in April.
After a slow start, the St Andrews negotiations delivered
more than most observers had expected
When it was home to the ancient kings of Ulster and the red
branch knights, Navan saw many battles for power.
But now the two premiers were doing their best to give
power away to the local parties.
Days before the two prime ministers touched down in Armagh,
the grim news broke that the body of the double agent Denis
Donaldson had been found with gunshot wounds at an isolated
house in Donegal.
The former Sinn Fein official revealed his work for the
British intelligence services shortly after charges had
been dropped against him in the Stormontgate case, which
led to the suspension of Stormont in 2002.
As 2006 drew to an end, there was no sign of anyone being
charged over Mr Donaldson's brutal murder.
The premiers pushed ahead, announcing a new devolution
deadline of 24 November.
If a power-sharing executive had not been formed by then,
they warned unionists that their two governments would
embark on a new era of joint stewardship.
It sounded like a return to the days of the Anglo-Irish
Agreement.
In May, Secretary of State Peter Hain set up a shadow
assembly in the hope that the politicians might make more
progress if they were cheek by jowl in the assembly
building.
An attempt by Gerry Adams to nominate Ian Paisley and
Martin McGuinness as first and deputy first ministers met
with a sharp rebuff from the DUP leader.
Initial shenanigans
But after some initial shenanigans about who should chair a
new committee designed to prepare for a return to devolved
government, the mood became more positive as the summer
wore on.
The parties, for example, agreed that if policing and
justice ministers are ever transferred to local politicians
they should be handled by a single department rather than
two separate ministries.
But on the wider front a stand-off persisted, with the DUP
insisting that Sinn Fein must support the police
immediately and without conditions and Sinn Fein requiring
a DUP commitment to power sharing and a date for the
transfer of policing and justice powers to a devolved
department.
In October, Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern summoned the
parties to St Andrews in Scotland for three days of
intensive talks.
After a slow start, the negotiations delivered more than
most observers had expected.
Instead of a deadline for the actual restoration of
devolution, 24 November was changed to a target for the
nomination of shadow first and deputy first ministers.
Dr No, it seemed, had become Dr Maybe
And 26 March 2007 became the new deadline for the return of
a power-sharing executive, whilst May 2008 was set as the
target date for the transfer of policing powers.
At St Andrews, Ian Paisley and his wife Eileen celebrated
their golden wedding anniversary.
The Irish government presented him with a wooden bowl
carved from a tree which had stood at the site of the
Battle of the Boyne.
Although the agreement was officially a deal only between
the two governments, the tone of Dr Paisley's remarks
indicated he associated himself with St Andrews in a very
personal way.
He talked about keeping his pledges and building a better
future for Northern Ireland's children.
The drama at the assembly deflected attention from a
statement by 12 DUP MLAs, insisting that neither Ian
Paisley nor Martin McGuinness should be given any status as
shadow first or deputy first ministers
Dr No, it seemed, had become Dr Maybe.
Inevitably, the choreography did not work out as intended.
An early meeting between Ian Paisley and Gerry Adams was
derailed amidst a row over when and how a ministerial
pledge should deal with policing.
But the government pushed ahead with legislation putting St
Andrews into effect.
When 24 November came, Gerry Adams once again proposed
Martin McGuinness as deputy first minister.
Head-scratcher
But under revised assembly rules it fell to Ian Paisley to
indicate whether he would nominate himself.
His highly ambiguous speech left many assembly members
scratching their heads.
But in what had now become known as the "Vicky Pollard
manoeuvre" the government deemed the DUP's "yeah, but no
but" response as sufficient.
The politicians continued to receive their salaries and
allowances and a new "Transitional assembly" came into
life.
On the margins, both the DUP and Sinn Fein leaderships
have to deal with grassroots unionists and republicans who
accuse them of selling out
With the Alliance leader David Ford still on his feet, a
security alarm interrupted the 24 November proceedings.
Politicians spilled out of a side door into a heavy
downpour and soon the rumours went around of a failed
assault on the assembly.
Unarmed security staff were captured on camera tackling the
loyalist Michael Stone, who has since been charged with
attempting to murder five people, including Gerry Adams and
Martin McGuinness.
The drama at the assembly deflected attention from a
statement by 12 DUP MLAs, insisting that neither Ian
Paisley nor Martin McGuinness should be given any status as
shadow first or deputy first ministers.
One of them, the North Belfast MP Nigel Dodds, told Inside
Politics that the so-called 12 Apostles were not
dissidents.
However, it was clear that DUP politicians like the MEP Jim
Allister were far from enthusiastic about the St Andrews
deal.
If the logjam continues, many observers believe both the
election campaign due to begin in February and the
restoration of devolution in March will be in doubt
On the margins, both the DUP and Sinn Fein leaderships have
to deal with grassroots unionists and republicans who
accuse them of selling out.
Days after the drama, the new Programme for Government
Committee set up a series of sub-groups looking at a range
of issues.
One dealt with the crucial topic of policing and justice.
But the heavy lifting on policing came not at the Stormont
committee but during an intensive round of Christmas
negotiations involving Tony Blair, Peter Hain and the DUP
and Sinn Fein leaderships.
The government proposed a future policing and justice
minister should be elected by a cross community vote,
meaning that - for an initial period - neither the DUP nor
Sinn Fein would get the job. A variation on an earlier DUP
proposal, this "self denying ordinance" - as Peter Hain
described it - meant either the SDLP or the Ulster
Unionists might take the portfolio.
The other party would fill a deputy minister post. Either
way it made the transfer of such sensitive powers became a
far more real prospect. Apparently armed with promises from
the government on the future role of MI5 and the use of
plastic bullets, Sinn Fein indicated they were ready to
hold an historic ard fheis or party conference in January.
Gerry Adams would tell his followers to back the police and
the courts, something inconceivable throughout the
troubles.
However, Sinn Fein did make their move conditional on a
positive response from the government and the DUP.
The DUP deputy leader Peter Robinson acknowledged the
move's historic potential, but some of his colleagues
appeared less impressed.
However as the new year arrived the Sinn Fein initiative
made the chances of an election going ahead in February and
devolution being restored in March look much greater than
they had appeared before Christmas.
Story from BBC NEWS:
Published: 2007/01/01 10:04:48 GMT
© BBC MMVII
*************************
http://www.utvlive.com/newsroom/indepth.asp?id=78953&pt=n
UUP's Jim Wilson Steps Down
Veteran Ulster Unionist Jim Wilson is to bow out of the
Stormont Assembly at the next election, he has announced.
By:Press Association
The South Antrim MLA revealed he will not be contesting the
March 2007 poll in order to spend more time with his
family.
At the height of his political career Mr Wilson, 65, was
Chief Whip of the UUP`s Assembly until he was appointed
Deputy Speaker in 2002.
But he said: "I think it is time for me to alter course.
Thirty three years in front line politics in Northern
Ireland has shaped my way of life.
"There are other things I want to do. I have discussed the
matter at length with my family and after careful
reflection I have decided that I would like to take life a
little easier and spend more time with my wife, my son and
daughter and their families including five grandchildren.
"Throughout my political career I have had full support
from my family and they support this decision now. I have
just celebrated my 65th birthday and that to me seems an
ideal time to retire - were I in employment outside of
politics I would probably be forced to go."
Mr Wilson, who worked as an apprentice engineer at Harland
& Wolff shipyard before joining the Merchant Navy and later
setting up a retail grocery business, was appointed general
secretary of the UUP in 1987.
He had joined the party in 1976 after an earlier dalliance
with the Vanguard Unionist Party.
From 1983 until 1997 he was Chairman of the Ballyclare
Ulster Unionist Branch and is the current Vice President of
the South Antrim Ulster Unionist Association.
In 1998, following the Good Friday Agreement and the
ensuing referendum, he was elected to serve South Antrim in
the Stormont Parliament.
Despite deciding to stand down, Mr Wilson pledged to
continue supporting the UUP.
He added: "I have worn many hats in my political career and
the last nine years as an Assembly Member have been both
rewarding and frustrating for me.
"During the short period of devolved government I am
convinced that local politicians made a real difference to
Northern Ireland and I am disappointed that I was not able
to have the same level of influence in the last few years
since the Assembly was suspended.
"I sincerely hope that the Assembly will be restored
following the upcoming elections.
"It has been a pleasure for me to serve the people of South
Antrim as an elected representative. I hope I have executed
my duties to the best of my ability and I would like to
thank everyone who has shown me support over the years."
*************************
http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/breaking-news/ireland/politics/article2119035.ece
Sinn Fein Assembly Member To Step Down
[Published: Monday 1, January 2007 - 19:46]
A Sinn Fein Assembly member tonight became the second
member of its Stormont team to step down after only serving
one term - but insisted it was for personal reasons, and
has nothing to do with the party's recent decision on
policing.
Mid Ulster MLA Geraldine Dougan confirmed she would not be
putting her name forward to the party's selection
convention for the constituency for the next Assembly
election scheduled for March.
She said her decision was taken purely on personal and
family grounds.
"I have thoroughly enjoyed my team as an Assembly member,
serving the people of Mid Ulster and particularly South
Derry since my election in 2003," she said.
"However, after much thought and discussions with family
and friends I have decided that for purely personal and
family reasons that I will not be seeking a nomination from
the local party to run in the Assembly Election planned for
March.
"I would wish to thank all of those people who have voted
for me and supported me in the past."
Ms Dougan's decision mirrors that of Sinn Fein's North
Belfast Assembly member
Kathy Stanton who also announced she would step down after
one term.
Miss Stanton also cited personal reasons and denied claims
that it was because she was unhappy with the party's moves
to endorse the Police Service of Northern Ireland.
Sinn Fein members also deselected two Assembly members in
Newry and Armagh, Davy Hyland and Pat O'Rawe.
However, the party's executive has yet to ratify the Newry
and Armagh selection convention result.
Mr Hyland has warned he could run against the party as an
Independent and claimed he was being punished for raising
concerns about the party's policing plans.
© Belfast Telegraph
*************************
http://www.breakingnews.ie/ireland/?jp=CWSNKFEYAUGB&rss=rss1
Sister Makes Plea For Margaret Hassan's Body
31/12/2006 - 20:27:41
The sister of Irish aid worker Margaret Hassan, who was
taken hostage and killed in Iraq, has called on the Muslim
community to demand the return of her body in the wake of
Saddam Hussein’s death.
Deirdre Fitzsimons compared the outrage generated by the
former dictator’s execution with the “deafening” silence
over her sister’s own kidnapping and torture.
She said Muslims were angry that Saddam had been hanged
during the festival of Eid but had shown no reaction when
Mrs Hassan was seized during Ramadan.
Dublin-born charity worker Margaret Hassan had lived in
Iraq for 30 years before she was kidnapped in October 2004
and shot a month later.
In a statement today, Ms Fitzsimons said her family had
“begged and begged” for the release of her body so that she
could be given a proper burial.
She said: “All through the terrible time of Margaret’s
kidnapping and torture the silence of the Muslim community
both here and abroad was deafening.
“Our family has begged and begged for the release of her
body, to allow us to bury her with some dignity and
according to our religion.”
Ms Fitzsimons added: “Although I do not agree with the
death penalty, it does not serve the Muslim community well
to be outraged by Saddam’s execution during Eid.
“Saddam murdered hundreds of thousands but at least he was
buried in the family grave and according to his own
religion.”
Mrs Hassan had been head of operations for humanitarian
group Care International for around 12 years in the country
before she was taken hostage.
Ms Fitzsimons described her as a woman who “devoted her
life to the poor and sick of Iraq”.
*************************
http://www.boston.com/news/local/politics/candidates/articles/2006/12/31/the_infuential/
Bostonians Of The Year: Peter Meade
The Influential
From health insurance overhauls to gay-adoption politics,
Peter Meade inserted himself into the year's biggest
debates - and got results.
By Doug Most December 31, 2006
So you had a busy year. Started a new job, had A BABY,
bought a house, maybe discovered a few stem-cell lines.
Even so, you’d be hard-pressed to match the to-do list of
one roundish, bespectacled Dorchester native and former WBZ
radio talk-show host. Pick some of this year’s thorniest
issues, and Peter Meade was in the middle of them. A
groundbreaking health insurance plan – check. Catholic
Charities of Boston abandoning adoption work to avoid
working with gay parents – check. Cardinal Sean O’Malley
reviewing local parish closings – check. Progress, though
tortuously slow, along what’s supposed to be the city’s
jewel of the future, the Rose Kennedy Greenway – check.
Even when 2,000 Boston-area Jews gathered in Brookline to
show their solidarity with Israel, there was Meade,
Catholic activist and first-generation Irish-American,
leading a "We support Israel" chant. All of this, and he
still fulfilled his job as executive vice president of
corporate affairs for Blue Cross and Blue Shield of
Massachusetts, a job that creates its share of enemies –
especially when the insurer predicts a double-digit rate
hike in 2007.
Meade’s deep civic roots trace back to the 1970s, when
Mayor Kevin White threw the 29-year-old into the job of
public safety coordinator of Boston Public Schools in the
midst of the city’s busing crisis. The experience helped
earn Meade the label of trouble-shooter, a label he carried
better than ever in 2006. Yet, if you were to walk down any
street in Boston and ask strangers who Peter Meade is,
you’d probably get blank stares. Jack Connors? Yes, know
him. Jack Welch? Of course. Gloria Larson? Sure. Peter
Meade? Who? "I’ve been a radio host," the 60-year-old Meade
says. "I don’t crave the spotlight now."
But there are moments when it finds him anyway. Meade was
one of six children raised Catholic by a jail-guard father
and homemaking mother. So what’s a good Catholic to do when
the same church that made him the man he is decides to do
something that goes against everything he believes in? Lead
a revolt. When Catholic Charities announced last spring
that after 103 years of placing children with adoptive
parents that it would abandon the business altogether
rather than continue to place children with gay parents and
go against the Vatican’s teaching, Meade resigned his board
position at the organization; several other board members
followed. "It was very difficult," Meade now says of the
decision. "And also very clear to me. Part of the
difficulty was the admiration I have for Cardinal Sean."
But, he says, he couldn’t ignore the gay parents who had
already adopted children through Catholic Charities. "I
couldn’t look them in the eye."
That was Peter Meade, Catholic and community leader. What
he did for healthcare in the state was Peter Meade, power
broker. After state legislators came tantalizingly close to
approving a health insurance plan to cover uninsured
residents – only to see the deal nearly die – Meade and
Connors, the board chairman of Partners HealthCare, joined
forces with a small group of business leaders in March.
They devised a strategy in which businesses with 11 or more
employees and no healthcare coverage would have to pay a
$295 levy per full-time worker. Voila: law. Though he
downplays his role, quoting others before him – "Victory
has a thousand fathers, but defeat is an orphan" – he
acknowledges it was fulfilling to be in the middle of such
an important act that now has others states asking: How’d
you do that? Maybe if every state had a Peter Meade, a lot
more would get done.
Doug Most is the editor of the Globe Magazine. E-mail him
at dmost@globe.com.
© Copyright 2006 Globe Newspaper Company.
----
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