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September 23, 2005

Delay in UVF Censure Slammed

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News about Ireland & the Irish

BT 09/23/05 'Delay' In UVF Censure Slammed
BT 09/23/05 PSNI Feels The Wrath Of Loyalism
UT 09/23/05 Woodward Accused Over Dossier
ST 09/23/05 Opin: A.Greeley: High Cost Of Protestant Hatred
DJ 09/23/05 Opin: Fascist Cowards
BT 09/23/05 Paramilitary Attacks Go On
IT 09/23/05 Arms Find Linked To Move By IRA
BT 09/23/05 DUP And SF Clash Over Arms Witness
DJ 09/23/05 I Didn't Do It - Gary Donnelly Tells 'Journal'
DJ 09/23/05 Family Of Murdered Carn Man Hit Out
BT 09/23/05 Blessing Of Graves Set For Next Month
IT 09/23/05 Voters Are Unhappy With Government
BT 09/23/05 Stormont Buildings Included In PFI Sell-Off


'Delay' In UVF Censure Slammed

By Noel McAdam
23 September 2005

Questions over the timing of the Government decision to
pull the plug on the UVF ceasefire were being asked last
night after the latest Independent Monitoring Commission

And the Commission was accused of ignoring the relationship
between unionist politicians and loyalist paramilitaries on
bodies such as the North and West Belfast Parades Forum.

After withdrawing formal recognition of its ceasefire -
'specification' - and stopping financial grants to the UVF-
linked Progressive Unionist Party, Stormont Minister David
Hanson signalled that further action could be taken.

As he began intensive talks with loyalist leaders following
the recent wave of violence and confrontation, Mr Hanson
said the Government would be listening to representations.

But SDLP Assembly member Alban McGuinness said the main
question raised by the report was why Secretary of State
Peter Hain had to be dragged "inch by inch" towards

"Why did he delay the decision to specify for so long,
while the UVF was flexing its muscles, parading its
strength in Garnerville and carrying out no less than five
street executions? "

The criticism was echoed by Alliance Party leader David
Ford who said:

"Questions remain as to why the Government did not specify
the UVF ceasefire on the basis of the feud alone."

Sinn Fein Assembly member Alex Maskey said the IMC had
"predictably" ignored the relationships between the various
unionist paramilitary gangs and the UUP and DUP through the
North and West Parades Forum and the Loyalist Commission.

The IMC said while the recent feud may have escalated
because of "local animosities" it believed the UVF had
decided the time was right to "finish off" the LVF.

LVF violence, while fuelled by rivalry, had been "more by
way of response" - the main aim being survival.

Others owed their lives to prompt, pre-emptive action by
the Police Service of Northern Ireland - although the "spur
of the moment" nature of the attacks had meant often police
had missed out on any advance warning.

The report also said the PUP had failed to exert its
opposition to the UVF and warned that while the Commission
was aware the PUP is not strong enough to influence the
UVF, the party could not "have it both ways."

PUP boss David Ervine had said no-one in a leadership
position in the party was in the leadership of the UVF and
it was contrary to natural justice to punish people who had
not broken the law.

But the IMC said the PUP had to decide whether to
disassociate itself from the paramilitary organisation or
accept the consequences of the link. East Belfast Assembly
member Mr Ervine had no further comment last night.

The report said the feud lead to the murders in July and
August of Jameson Lockhart, Craig McCausland, Stephen Paul
and Michael Green among a total of 49 incidents including:

seven attempted murders,

shootings and the use of petrol bombs or explosives,

forced departure of families from Garnerville and arson and
other attacks on taxi in Crumlin Road, and

criminal damage including the ramming of a vehicle

But it said neither the UVF or the LVF could be named in
relation to the killings of 25-year-old Lisa Dorrian.


PSNI Feels The Wrath Of Loyalism

After the violence, protests and Orange anger directed
towards the PSNI, Crime Correspondent Jonathan McCambridge
examines the deteriorating relationship between loyalists
and the police

22 September 2005

There were six camera crews and dozens of journalists
squeezed into the drab West Belfast Orange Hall on the
Shankill Road last week to hear Orange leaders deliver
their long anticipated verdict on rioting which flared
following the Whiterock Parade.

The assembled media had to be led through a fire exit
because of building work on the main staircase. A Minister
told me I was "being re-routed" in the only intentionally
humorous moment of the press conference.

When the panel of six senior Orange Order officials
appeared, they included Robert Saulters, Orange Order Grand
Master and Dawson Bailie, Belfast's most senior Orangeman
who had attracted controversy days earlier when he declined
to condemn the violence which had spread throughout Belfast
and counties Antrim and Down.

When they delivered their message it was straightforward.
Yes, they thought the rioting which had shamed Northern
Ireland was wrong, but the blame was laid squarely at the
door of the Government, the Parades Commission and the
PSNI. Mr Saulters administered the soundbite when he
accused the PSNI of "third class policing", a bitter
riposte to the Chief Constable's claim that his officers
had delivered "world class policing" as they came under
attack from live fire, petrol and blast bombs.

The following day with tensions in Belfast still simmering,
the North and West Belfast Parades and Cultural Forum - a
unionist umbrella body which includes representatives from
loyalist paramilitary groups - released a statement
claiming that unionists were to withdraw from the Belfast
District Policing Partnership. While DPPs have not been a
total success - it is not unusual for less than 10 members
of the public to attend Belfast meetings - they are an
important symbol of new policing arrangements and

Simultaneously loyalist protests, often co-ordinated by
women with children, were blocking roads and threatening to
bring Belfast to gridlock. Sir Hugh Orde was openly jeered
and heckled as he arrived at Clarendon Dock to brief the
Policing Board on loyalist violence. There are also plans
for a 'Love Ulster' campaign rally next month which would
see victims' groups, Orangemen and loyalist bands taking to
the streets across Northern Ireland.

With scenes of open warfare between Protestants and riot
squad officers on our streets and an apparent collapse of
confidence among senior unionist figures in police
leadership, the inference can be drawn that relations
between the PSNI and loyalism are at crisis point.

As the PSNI strives for full acceptance from the
nationalist and republican communities they are in danger
of haemorrhaging support from unionists who believe that
the IRA has shown that violence works. It is a balancing
act not unfamiliar to police chiefs here.

When the RUC evolved into the PSNI in November, 2001, one
of its main challenges was to break the long-established
link between policing and the Orange Order. The issue of
police officers declaring their membership of outside
organisations - such as the Order - has been one of the
more difficult of the Patten recommendations and has been
subject to a court challenge by individual officers.

The Orange Order and much of the unionist community have
long harboured deep resentment towards the Government over
the creation of a new police force, what they view as the
betrayal of the RUC. This resentment sporadically spills
over into open hostility and it was fuelled this summer by
the debacle of Orange officials being questioned by police
because they did not fill in parades applications forms
correctly. When it emerged that the Government's legal
advice indicated that parades were legal despite individual
names not being submitted on the 11/1 forms, it increased
the feeling within Orangeism that they are being unfairly

It is not a new sight to see members of the Orange Order
and loyalist paramilitaries attack the police, anyone
familiar with Drumcree can relate to that. However, the
scale and viciousness of the onslaught against the security
forces surprised police who have grown used to dealing with
both loyalist and republican rioting this summer.

Ironically at the height of the recent street violence the
PSNI was hosting a counter-terrorism conference in Belfast
which included policing experts from across the world.
Officers from the FBI and Canadian Mounted Police watched
astonished as the missiles rained down on PSNI officers.

Sir Hugh Orde watched the events unfold on CCTV screens.
Regardless of the political consequences he made his
personal judgement swiftly. The UVF and UDA were involved.
Orange members had attacked police and the Order must bear
responsibility for calling for members of the public to
come out onto the streets.

The reaction of Orange leaders was very different -
demonstrating the division between their numbers and the
PSNI. Grand Master Robert Saulters said the police had
goaded decent and reasonable men into behaving out of
character. He did not accept that Orangeman had taken part
in violence, conceding instead that they may have "defended
themselves" from police tactics.

While the Orange Order's hostility spilled out openly, the
PSNI was faced with a potentially even more damaging rift.
DUP and UUP members indicated they would withdraw from
Belfast District Policing Partnership in protest at how
police handled the loyalist riots. The statement, released
through the North and West Belfast Parades and Cultural
Forum, claimed there was "no partnership" with police in
their communities and accused senior officers of

The SDLP and Alliance parties reacted with outrage, stating
that unionists were happy to sit on a parades forum with
paramilitaries but not on partnerships with police chiefs
which are responsible for formulating local police

For years the glittering prize of Sinn Fein acceptance of
Northern Ireland policing has been pursued by the
Government. Negotiations to introduce controversial Police
Community Support Officers onto our streets are ongoing - a
concept that could attract republicans. The final piece of
the political jigsaw for the PSNI would be Sinn Fein
members sitting on the Policing Board and on District
Policing Partnerships.

However, while that goal is being pursued, the unionist and
loyalist communities are becoming increasingly alienated.
If they withdraw their support for the same policing
structures then the Patten vision of an accountable police
force is in tatters. A Belfast District Policing
Partnership which does not include Sinn Fein and unionist
and loyalist parties is meaningless.

In reality behind the scenes meetings between senior police
and unionist politicians have been ongoing and the channels
of information are very much open. The DPP rebels met with
the Chief Constable on Monday. Police are hopeful and
confident that the unionist position is a gesture of
dissent and anger rather than a longer term withdrawal of

Loyalist frustrations have also spilled onto the roads
during a series of protests and pickets. Police attempts to
keep the main roads open have led to scuffles and a further
souring of relations. Placards held by protesters have
warned of 'Ulster at crisis point', a demonstration of the
sense of anger and alienation within loyalists in Belfast.
They have also picketed PSNI headquarters and the offices
of the Policing Board, an indication of where they feel
part of the blame lies.

Much of the loyalist anger is personally directed at police
chiefs in east and west Belfast. The Orange Order has
relentlessly increased the pressure on east Belfast Chief
Superintendent Henry Irvine throughout the summer.

At a series of DPP meetings in the east of the city
Orangemen have turned up in large numbers to barrack and
ridicule the commander over a series of policing decisions.

They have openly called for him to be removed from his
position and have regularly submitted in excess of 60
written questions for him to answer at DPP meetings. Much
of the anger traces back to the police questioning earlier
this year of Orange Grand Master Robert Saulters and other
officials for taking part in a parade which the Parades
Commission had not permitted because the 11/1 form was
judged to have been incorrectly completed.

Orange officials have since then publicly accused the Chief
Superintendent of orchestrating a witch-hunt against them.

But Mr Irvine has repeatedly insisted that his officers are
merely policing the determinations laid down by the Parades
Commission - as they are required to do. Similarly in the
west of the city unionist anger has been growing towards
Chief Superintendent David Boultwood. He was given an
equally rough reception at the first public meeting of the
west Belfast DPP. When unionists withdrew from the DPP last
week they cited Chief Superintendent Boultwood's
"intransigence" over Whiterock as the main reason.

As unrest within loyalist communities has grown, alienation
from the police has spread. This could be set to peak with
the planned 'Love Ulster' campaign rally next month with
fears that paramilitaries could exploit the situation.

In the middle of an increasingly volatile situation Ulster
Unionist leader Sir Reg Empey has sounded a more
conciliatory note when he said that police are "sadly the
meat in the sandwich".

He said: "As a supporter of the police I am concerned and
have been shocked in the last week at the response of
communities towards the police. I did not know myself just
how much these communities had become alienated from the

Sir Reg said he believed the withdrawal of unionists from
Belfast DPP was only a "temporary measure".

"This decision is not exclusively related to recent
trouble. It is just a temporary withdrawal and I hope we
can restore relations as soon as possible. A key issue is
engagement with police. We have to do all we can to improve
relations with police. We need to get them accepted back
into these areas."

These are sentiments which will be welcomed by the
leadership of the PSNI as their relations with loyalism
become increasingly strained. The process of re-engagement
will however, prove difficult with such raw anger in the
Orange Order at what they have called "aggressive police
tactics" following Whiterock. Meanwhile the leadership of
the PSNI has become increasingly exasperated that they
continue to be accused of both inaction and heavy-handed
tactics in their handling of public order situations.

With the annual marching season nearing its end both sides
now have space to repair relations away from the public
attention which focuses on contentious flashpoint parades
and their high profile policing operations.

Much work will have to be done though - while Whiterock was
the spark that ignited the worst rioting seen in Northern
Ireland for years, it merely represents the general
unionist rage against the drift of politics in Northern
Ireland. Simply put, the Protestant perception is that
nationalists have benefited for years from the peace
process while they have suffered. For many the police have
come to represent part of this unpopular political


Woodward Accused Over Dossier

Northern Ireland Security Minister Shaun Woodward has put
lives at risk by sending police a confidential dossier on
an alleged Special Branch plot with loyalist paramilitary
killers, it was claimed today.

By:Press Association

The authors of the report into ex-RAF man Raymond McCord`s
murder are incensed by the decision to give Chief Constable
Sir Hugh Orde a copy.

Alleged rogue police officers and Ulster Volunteer Force
agents who, it is claimed, ordered the brutal killing in
1997, are named in files prepared by the British Irish
Rights Watch (BIRW).

Mr McCord`s father, Raymond Sr believes Special Branch
blocked the investigation and demanded the report be
withheld from the Police Service of Northern Ireland.

BIRW director Jane Winter, who sent copies to the United
Nations and the United States Congress as well as the
Government, said she was stunned by Mr Woodward`s decision.

"If anybody in a position of responsibility read our report
they would have seen why we did not send it to the police,"
she said.

"There`s a real danger that it will end up in the hands of
the UVF, if the collusion and protection of informers we
allege is still going on.

"That`s why it was so irresponsible of Shaun Woodward."

Mr McCord was battered to death and his body was dumped in
a quarry on the outskirts of north Belfast.

Although the UVF is suspected of carrying out the attack,
no-one has been charged with the murder.

Raymond McCord Sr has been an outspoken critic of the
loyalist terrorists, defying death threats to allege
security force informers within their ranks were involved.

Nuala O`Loan, the Northern Ireland Police Ombudsman, has
been investigating the case and is expected to report her
findings later this year.

Ms Winter, whose London-based organisation has been
monitoring human rights issues emerging from the violence
in Northern Ireland, also sent the report to Prime Minister
Tony Blair, US President George Bush`s special envoy on
Northern Ireland, Mrs O`Loan, and a paramilitary ceasefire

But the victim`s family did not trust police enough to
involve them.

In a letter to Ms Winter, however, Mr Woodward raised the
issue of Sir Hugh being excluded from the dossier.

He said: "In view of the police investigation into Raymond
McCord`s murder I believe it is important for anyone to
bring to the attention of the police any information they
may have into the murder. "Accordingly I have arranged to
forward a copy to the Chief Constable for his information."

A Northern Ireland Office spokeswoman added that everyone
faced a duty to ensure police are given all information
relevant to criminal activity.

But Mr McCord spoke of his disgust at the decision.

He said: "It`s a disgrace. It shows the complete disregard
the Government has for victims here.

"They knew we didn`t want Orde to see it, although we knew
in our hearts they would find a way.

"But it wasn`t their report to give. We`ve been treated
like dirt by the British Government."

And Ms Winter insisted it was a reckless and dangerous

"This report has named names and voiced suspicions, which
is why we didn`t publish it - we didn`t want to put lives
at risk," she said.

"Only the police and UVF can say if our suspicions are

"We have identified police officers who may have been
involved in corruption or collusion.

"They are treating Raymond McCord with utter contempt."


Opin: Andrew Greeley: The High Cost Of Protestant Hatred

September 23, 2005
By Andrew Greeley

The Protestant violence in Northern Ireland continues to
prevent in that part of the island the astonishing
prosperity that the rest of Ireland enjoys.

Last week there was more violence in Northern Ireland. Some
news reports had hard-line Protestants fighting with hard-
line Catholics. In fact, Catholics weren't involved at all.
The Parades Commission, which regulates the paths of the
Orange Order sectarian hate parades, required a parade to
follow a path that did not go through a Catholic
neighborhood. That was an occasion for a well-planned and -
organized militant Protestant outburst against their own
almost entirely Protestant police force and the British
army. The militants, two violent Protestant groups who have
also been routinely killing one another, managed to wound
more than 40 Protestant cops.

The IRA, note well, hasn't done anything like that for many
years. The Rev. Ian Paisley, head of the Ulster Democratic
Party, blamed the Parades Commission and called for a
reform "in root and branch" of the commission -- doubtless
so that the Orange Order, which is all too ready to wound
and risk killing Protestant police, can pound its drums and
march through Catholic neighborhoods again.

The Protestant attack on its own police and military
illustrates the abiding problem of the peace process in
Northern Ireland. Many members of the economically hard-
pressed Protestant working class do not accept the Good
Friday peace agreement which, as they see it, gives
Catholics "too much." By that they mean a share in power.
It is this capacity of some Protestants to exercise a
violent veto on peace that is mainly responsible for the
reluctance of Protestant leadership to take the big step of
joining a self-governing Northern Ireland government that
would represent both factions.

The Protestant working class has yet to learn the lesson
that the prosperity below its gerrymandered borders will
spread to the North only when the enclave has the same
peace and stability as does the Republic. In the most
recent report on standards of living in Europe (per capita
gross national product), Ireland is second only to Norway.
The population is increasing at the rate of better than 4
percent a year, the highest in Europe, mostly because of
immigration but also because of a dramatic rise in the
excess of births over death, which means the Irish birth
rate is going up again.

In the year after the accession of new countries to the
European Union, almost 27,000 immigrants came from the new
countries, and it is estimated that many more have come
since then. Ireland is the only EU country that did not
exclude these immigrants. I am told that a weekly newspaper
in the County Meath prints a page every week in Polish for
the Polish construction workers in the county. In less than
a decade, Ireland has progressed from a country with too
many workers to one without enough workers. The immigrants
are accepted because the country needs more workers, and
not simply because the Irish understand what immigration is
better perhaps than anyone in the world.

The Irish will tell you that the prosperity is not shared
by all its people -- a statement most countries (especially
the United States) would have to make. But it is part of
the culture to find fault with themselves (unlike most
Americans), and efforts are being made to share the new
wealth with everyone.

The point here is that the only reason people north of the
border don't enjoy the same -- or at least similar
prosperity -- is that thugs like the Orange Order drummers
hate Catholics. Give up their hate, and their society will
flourish too.

A friend of mine who is a long-term observer predicts a
unified Republic of Ireland in perhaps 30 years, endorsed
by the majority on both sides of the borders (with somewhat
less enthusiasm by the south, which might prefer Poles to
the Orange Order). Protestant young people go off to
England to universities (Catholics now are the majority of
university students in the North) and don't come back. Who
would want to live in Belfast?

Religious hatred is a luxury Protestants in the North no
longer can afford.


Opin: Fascist Cowards

Friday 23rd September 2005

What cause is furthered by attacking a man whose sole aim
is to create a new beginning to policing in our country?

Does pummelling a former priest, who simply wants to make
the PSNI more accountable and representative, advance the
cause of Irish unity?

What principle is served by battering a man who has, over
the past four decades, done more for the nationalist people
of Derry than so-called dissident republicans could ever
hope to achieve?

Those behind the sordid campaign of intimidation, threats
and, now, potentially deadly attacks on Policing Board
vicechairman Denis Bradley, have no genuine cause

Militarily inept and politically bankrupt, they personify
pure unadulterated fascism.

Who else would batter a man in front of his teenage son
simply because they disagree with his views?

If these people are prepared to try to deny the right of
free speech to those they disagree with, what else are they
capable of doing?

While Denis Bradley plays a positive role in trying to
forge a new future for our troubled society, there are
others intent on dragging Northern Ireland back to the
past. They must not be allowed to succeed.

One of nationalism's most credible voices, Denis Bradley
would be the first to admit that no issue has been more
difficult, more divisive and more controversial in the
history of the North of Ireland than policing.

He is well aware that violent crime, drug dealing, car
theft and robberies of all kinds are becoming alarmingly
widespread across the North. He realises that these
problems need to be dealt with now.

He is of the opinion that such nuisances are best addressed
through participating in a new acceptable and accountable
police service.

The last thing we need is policing by paramilitaries
wielding baseball bats.

Over the past 40 years, Denis Bradley has done more for
Derry and its people than he gets credit for. Let's not
forget that Mr. Bradley, as a priest, risked his life to
help three men shot on Bloody Sunday and, in recent years,
campaigned hard for the Saville Inquiry into the 1972

During the 1970s and 1980s, he was among those who
established the Northlands Centre for drug and alcohol

In more recent years, he acted as a trusted intermediary
between the intelligence services and the IRA during secret
pre-ceasefire negotiations. It is no exaggeration to say
that he played a key role in negotiations leading up to the
1994 IRA cessation.

Those behind this week's shameful attack on Mr. Bradley
probably think they are brave patriots opposed to all
vestiges of the the British presence in Ireland. Not
likely. Based on recent events, it would be more accurate
to portray them as cowardly thugs opposed to democracy and
free speech which, let's not forget, are touchstones of
authentic Irish republicanism.

Genuine republicans such as Wolfe Tone, Robert Emmett and
Patrick Pearse would turn in their graves if they were to
learn that, at the turn of the 21st century, physical force
republicanism is epitomised by bullies who lay into a
former Catholic priest who risked his life to save lives on
Bloody Sunday. A warped ideology, indeed.


Paramilitary Attacks Go On

More than 130 victims this year but numbers decreasing

By Jonathan McCambridge
23 September 2005

Paramilitary style shootings and beatings continue to
plague Northern Ireland with more than 130 reported victims
already this year, the Belfast Telegraph can reveal.

The new statistics show that although the level of
paramilitary-style attacks increased sharply following the
ceasefires in the mid-1990s, they have now begun to
decrease slightly.

Loyalist paramilitaries are responsible for almost three-
quarters of all shootings and beatings, the police figures
have indicated.

Since the beginning of this year there have been 56
paramilitary punishment shootings - loyalists have carried
out 47 and republicans nine.

There have also been 75 paramilitary assaults - with
loyalists responsible for 50 and republicans 25.

The total of 131 incidents is down on the 165 which were
recorded for the first eight months of 2004.

The statistics show that while loyalists are heavily
involved in both shootings and assaults, republicans tend
to favour 'Padre Pio' style assaults where the victim is
shot in the palms of the hands.

The number of paramilitary style shootings and beatings in
Northern Ireland rose sharply following the ceasefires in
the mid-1990s.

The numbers peaked between 2001 and 2002 when there was an
average of almost one incident being reported every day.

In 1990, there was a total of 174 paramilitary shootings
and beatings, this rose to 220 by 1995 and to 332 by 2001
before falling to 227 in 2004.

Since then the total has been on the decline but there are
still more than four incidents reported every week.

There have been concerted attempts to end 'street justice'
in Northern Ireland.

It is believed that a high number of the victims are young
people or teenagers.

Despite republican and loyalist political representatives
stating that they do not condone punishment attacks, they
have had little effect in halting 'street justice'.

DUP representative Nigel Hamilton, from the Newtownabbey
District Policing Partnership, said: "One of these
incidents is too many.

"It proves that paramilitaries are still delivering their
own forms of justice and that is unacceptable."


Arms Find Linked To Move By IRA

George Jackson

Senior security sources in Derry confirmed yesterday they
believe the discovery of five mortar bomb components on the
southern outskirts of the city could be linked to the
Provisional IRA's decommissioning process.

The devices were found behind a wall along the Old
Letterkenny Road beside a Travellers' halting site at 5am
on Wednesday by a local man. No report was made to the
police for another 12 hours.

The component parts for the Mark 15 mortar bombs included
five firing tubes, five launching pads and five gas
cylinders. No explosives or electrical components were

The discovery was confirmed just hours before a visit to
the city by PSNI Chief Constable Sir Hugh Orde, who said:
"It is good and significant that these devices have been
taken out of circulation, that they have been put beyond
use. They will now be examined by forensic scientists to
determine their history, their origin and if they were
formally dismantled and dumped."

Announcing the discovery, Foyle district commander Richard
Russell said the haul of component parts for what are
commonly known as barrack- buster bombs was a positive
development. "I can confirm that the five devices, minus
explosives and minus electrical parts, were found following
a report from the scene to us."

One senior security source said they were examining the
possibility that the IRA had started to decommission its
weaponry: "Although the last time one of these was used in
Derry was by the Real IRA, we are inclined to link these
devices to the Provisional IRA. We do not think that the
Real IRA currently has the capability to manufacture
barrack-buster mortar bombs."

Meanwhile, during his visit to Derry, Sir Hugh toured the
Fountain and Irish Street interface areas which have been
the scenes of sectarian violence in recent weeks.

© The Irish Times


DUP And SF Clash Over Arms Witness

By Claire Regan
23 September 2005

A bitter row erupted between the DUP and Sinn Fein last
night after Ian Paisley accused the Government of making a
secret deal with the IRA to exclude the need for an arms
witness acceptable to unionists.

Speaking after a meeting with Political Development
minister David Hanson, the DUP leader claimed that the IRA
made the rules, appointed the referee and was doing as it

"I believe that they (the Government) have entered into a
secret deal with the IRA," he said.

Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams hit back saying that if the
DUP wanted to nominate a witness it should have talked to
his party.

"It's a bit rich when unionist paramilitaries are using
heavy calibre shoulder weapons to shoot at British troops
and PSNI officers, and profess to be loyalists, that the
DUP would be concerned about IRA weapons which are silenced
and, which we all hope and pray, are going to be put beyond
use in the period ahead," he said.

Mr Paisley said the DUP had sought the meeting with Mr
Hanson now so they could not be accused of raising their
concerns too late.

The DUP meeting with Mr Hanson came as the minister said
that the IRA was beginning to make moves related to


I Didn't Do It - Gary Donnelly Tells 'Journal'

By Eamonn MacDermott
Friday 23rd September 2005

Gary Donnelly who stood as an independent republican
candidate in the last local government elections and the
man being blamed by many locally for being behind the
attack on Denis Bradley has told the 'Journal' that he was
not involved. He also said he believed no republican
organisation was behind the attack.

Mr. Donnelly was reacting to comments made by various local
politicians linking dissident republicans to the attack on
Mr. Bradley on Tuesday night.

Despite the anger locally in regard to the attack Mr.
Donnelly said he would not play the hypocrite and shed
'crocodile tears' over it. At best, he said, he was

In a no punches pulled statement to the 'Journal' yesterday
Mr. Donnelly said: "The recent attack on the Vice-Chairman
of the Policing Board, Denis Bradley, has been widely
covered in the media and commented upon by the political
community. 'Dissident republicans' have been accused of
assaulting Mr. Bradley and some politicians have suggested
that the assailant might share my political views.

"I have no idea who assaulted Mr Bradley or why. However,
since there seems to be a frenzy of speculation upon the
matter, I am happy to make my contribution and I can think
of several possible reasons why people in the Nationalist
and Republican community might feel moved to attack

"For example, the person who assaulted Bradley might be a
son or relative of someone killed by the RUC, or they might
have suffered through the imprisonment of a family member
at the hands of the RUC/PSNI. Nor would I rule out the
possibility that the assailant was a young person who has
been harassed by the PSNI or gassed on the street. "On the
other hand, it could be the case that the person who
attacked the Vice-Chairman was motivated to do so because
he perceived Bradley to be brazen collaborator with the
military arm of the British Administration in Ireland. As I
say, I don't know who carried out the attack or why."

He added: "Politicians and Churchmen were quick to swallow
the line fed out by Bradley's paymasters that he was
attacked by dissident republicans because of his opinions.
I would guess that his practical involvement with the PSNI
and their activities might have been a factor - recruiting
informers, harassing republicans, spraying CS gas, firing
plastic bullets, and smashing people's faces with their
batons. "

When asked if he condoned the attack, Mr. Donnelly for him
to do so would be hypocritical.

He said: "Bradley, as Vice-Chairman of the Policing Board
has overseen the rearming of a sectarian force with this
equipment and for this, he is amply rewarded financially. I
have to say honestly that my own reaction to this incident
is, at best, indifferent and I will not play the hypocrite
by shedding crocodile tears for a recruiting sergeant for a
brutal militia whose main objective is to enforce British
rule in the six Counties.

When asked who he believed was behind the attack the
indepenent republican said he firmly believed no
'organisation' was involved.

"My own opinion regarding this is that it seems quite
obvious that no Republican organisation was involved in
this incident. It would seem to have been carried out by an
individual, republican or otherwise, I don't know. The fact
that the individual acted alone, that there was no forensic
clean-up, removal of video evidence or intimidation of
witnesses or other customers would suggest that this was
not the work of an organisation."


Family Of Murdered Carn Man Hit Out

Friday 23rd September 2005

The family of a young Carndonagh man who was shot dead by
the Ulster Volunteer Force more than 32 years ago, have
once again indicated their dissatisfaction of the Irish
Government and the Garda Siochana.

Henry Cunningham, then a 16-year-old, was murdered as he
made his way home from work in Belfast. Just a month after
the killing --which occurred on August 9, 1973 --all
contact between the Cunningham family and the Royal Ulster
Constabulary ceased.

That fateful evening, Henry was in the company of his three
brothers travelling home from Glengormely after a day's
work, before being ambushed at Dunwilly Bridge, near
Templepatrick. The loyalists identified the van because of
its Donegal registration, seemingly unaware the family were
of Presbyterian faith.

On the evening in question, Henry was only sitting in the
front passenger seat because his older brother Robert, who
was also involved in a band, decided to catch up on some
sleep in the back before he was scheduled to go on stage
that evening.

The Cunningham family are still insistant that the Gardai
have so far failed to produce papers linked to the murder -
despite being asked to do so four months ago.

Speaking on the matter this week, Robert Cunningham,
brother of the deceased, remarked: "We have got a very
devastating report this week from the Minister for Foreign
Affairs saying that they are going to give us nothing and
we're very annoyed with our own government. We honestly
believe that they don't want to know.

"They're duty bound because of the death of Henry to ask
questions of the British government and why we were treated
this way, but they seem to have lost their justice in the
Garda Siochana. The department doesn't seem to want to

The Police Service of Northern Ireland's Historic Cases
team is to begin a new inquiry into the murder next month,
and Henry's brother Robert now feels they've been badly let
down by their own government.

"An inquiry is set up and ready to go in October and we
were promised our case would be high on the priority list.
We have to wait until they contact us. We cannot say
anything until we have met with them. At the minute, we're
looking to see what evidence we can pick up from our own
government, so when we meet the Northern Ireland
Government, the new enquiry team then we can speak to


Blessing Of Graves Set For Next Month

Catholic service in carnmoney 'put on hold due to rioting'

By Jonathan McCambridge
23 September 2005

A Catholic prayer service - which has been plagued by
violence in recent years - is set to take place next month
after it was postponed because of loyalist disturbances.

It has emerged that Sunday, October 2, is being considered
as a new date for the Blessing of the Graves ceremony in
Carnmoney Cemetery, Newtownabbey.

The event had been due to go ahead last week but was
postponed as loyalist rioting spread into Newtownabbey with
shops, a bank and other businesses burnt out.

Although last year's Blessing of the Graves passed without
incident, the prayer service - which has been opposed by
some unionist councillors in the borough - has led to
violence in previous years.

In 2003, the Red Hand Commando was blamed after a loyalist
protest attempted to disrupt the service and organiser
Father Dan Whyte was the subject of a death threat.

In previous years, the event was also disrupted after a
bomb alert and a number of gravestones have also been
destroyed in the cemetery.

The council has come under pressure to introduce CCTV
cameras at the site but decided the costs would be

Fr Whyte said he postponed last week's planned service
following the outbreak of disturbances in the area.

He said: "May I stress that this is a postponement, not a
cancellation. I am simply unwilling to invite large numbers
of people to come to Carnmoney at a time when this might
seem to be insensitive on our part.

"I wouldn't want our Cemetery Sunday to be interpreted -
wrongly - as causing further aggravation in local loyalist

He said in previous years, there was "a well-organised
sectarian campaign" opposing the annual celebration, "set
in the Drumcree context".

"To have suspended or cancelled in those circumstances
would have been to surrender to sectarian intimidation and
threats," he added.


Clear Message That Voters Are Unhappy With Government

Ian McShane Managing Director TNS mrbi

Today's is the first Irish Times/TNS mrbi poll conducted
since June of this year, with interviewing carried out in
the aftermath of the main Government and Opposition
parties' think-ins in Cavan, Clonmel, Dublin and Mullingar.

Other events which may have influenced public opinion over
the summer months include the return of the "Colombia
Three" to Ireland, and the more recent airing of RTÉ's show
Rip Off Republic, presented by Eddie Hobbs.

June's poll heralded welcome news for Labour, as well as
for Fine Gael which registered its highest opinion poll
rating in over five years.

Conversely, satisfaction with the Government, and support
for Fianna Fáil, had dropped significantly since earlier in
the year as the Government's management of the health
service came in for particular criticism from the

All in all, the signs at that stage were that the potential
rainbow coalition of Fine Gael, Labour and the Green Party
was growing in credibility and stature in the eyes of the
electorate, as satisfaction with the current administration
was faltering.

Overall party support levels as of this Monday and Tuesday
are remarkably consistent with those reported in June. Core
support levels are all within one percentage point of that
last poll, and well within the statistical margin of error
of plus or minus three points pertaining to a survey of
this nature.

The overall proportion of undecideds has increased by 4 per
cent, which is not unusual for a survey conducted
immediately following the relatively uneventful holiday

When the standard statistical adjustments are made to
counterbalance the propensity of respondents to overstate
support for Fianna Fáil, that party's support sits just two
points above its disastrous share of last year's local
election vote, with the PDs unchanged at 4 per cent. The
recent gains made by the Opposition have remained solid,
with signs that support for both Fine Gael and Labour has
increased somewhat in the key Dublin area, where Fine Gael
performed so poorly in 2002.

A more detailed analysis of the last two polls reveals that
Fianna Fáil's support is weakest in urban areas in general
(including Dublin), as well as among younger (18-34-year-
old) voters. The party would traditionally have performed
relatively well in these two constituencies, and has ceded
ground over the last number of years to Sinn Féin in
particular in this regard.

On this note, it is a fact that the age profile of Labour's
core voter is somewhat older than that of both Fine Gael
and the Green Party's. In one respect this makes sense,
given the ageing profile of its sitting TDs. Combined
support for the rainbow coalition opposition is now at 44
per cent compared to the Fianna Fáil/PD total of 38 per

The rainbow alliance will now be aiming to increase its
share of support closer to the 46 per cent which was enough
to return the current administration in 2002. At least part
of this effort will require Labour reaching out to the
younger voter, a process the party has already begun in
selecting a series of younger candidates to contest the
next election in a year or two.

While analysis of party support levels in isolation would
appear to indicate a relatively stable political landscape,
a review of Government and party leader support levels
paints a more complex and dynamic picture.

The first poll following the Dáil summer recess will often
produce slightly depressed party leader satisfaction
ratings across the board. In such instances, the proportion
of respondents stating they are satisfied with a particular
leader will drop, with a corresponding uplift in the
numbers expressing no opinion. In other words, it is not
that more people have become dissatisfied with the leader
in question, but rather that fewer feel qualified to grant
them a positive rating as they have not seen or heard of
them for a number of months.

To varying degrees, the satisfaction ratings for Pat
Rabbitte, Trevor Sargent and Enda Kenny appear to have
suffered in this regard. Mary Harney's rating as Tánaiste
remains practically unchanged since the last poll, albeit
at its lowest level so far since she took office in this

Satisfaction with both the Government and Taoiseach Bertie
Ahern have, however, dropped significantly over the last
three months, registering their third successive decrease
since January of this year. The five-point drop in
satisfaction with the Government is statistically
significant. More worrying for the Government, however, is
the fact that 58 per cent of the Irish electorate is now
dissatisfied with its administration, up from 51 per cent
last June. Very few respondents (just 6 per cent of the
total; 7 per cent in the last poll) did not express an
opinion at this question, ie voters in this instance are
sending a clear message to the Government that they are
becoming increasingly unhappy with the manner in which the
country is being run.

A similar dynamic is evident when we analyse Mr Ahern's
personal ratings from poll to poll. Today's survey sets the
Taoiseach's satisfaction level at 47 per cent, with an
identical proportion dissatisfied.

In other words, 7 per cent of the electorate, the
equivalent to roughly 200,000 voters, have switched from
being satisfied with him to being unhappy with his
performance as leader of the Government over the last 15

Coverage of the poll in tomorrow's Irish Times will provide
insight as to precisely which elements of governance the
electorate is unhappy with.

It would be reasonable to assume, however, that the Eddie
Hobbs show, watched by record numbers, must have had some
negative impact on the Government's ratings. The media
furore over the show will of course peter out over the
coming weeks, and the Government will make a special effort
to counter some of its more damaging charges.

It does confirm, however, that there is a general sense of
unease out there, with a belief among many that they have
not benefited as well as they might have from the fruits of
our economic success.

It is for the Opposition to prove that they have the vision
and wherewithal to manage matters more equitably.

• This survey in the Republic of Ireland was conducted
exclusively on behalf of The Irish Times by TNS mrbi, among
a national quota sample of 1,000 representative of the 2.82
million electors aged 18 upwards, covering 100 sampling
points throughout all constituencies in the Republic.

• Personal in-home interviewing took place on September
19th and 20th, and the accuracy level is estimated to be
approximately plus or minus 3 per cent. In all respects,
the survey was conducted within the guidelines laid down by
the Association of Irish Market Research Organisations
(AIMRO), and by ESOMAR (European Society). TNS mrbi is a
member of both AIMRO and ESOMAR.

• Extracts from the report may be quoted or published on
condition that due acknowledgment is given to: The Irish
Times and TNS mrbi.

© The Irish Times


Stormont Buildings Included In PFI Sell-Off

By David Gordon
23 September 2005

Ministers are aiming to complete the sale of dozens of
Government buildings in Northern Ireland within the next 18
months, it can be revealed today.

The properties earmarked for the massive sell-off include
Castle Buildings at Stormont, where the Good Friday
Agreement was signed, and the nearby Dundonald House tower

They will be leased back to the civil service by their new
owner in a 20-year contract worth an estimated £1.5bn.

The plans, a Private Finance Initiative (PFI) project, were
first floated by Government in late 2004 and confirmed in
June of this year.

Department of Finance and Personnel (DFP) deputy secretary
Chris Thompson today said the projected date for completion
of the deal is early 2007.

"We intend to seek expressions of interest in November," he

The latest phase of the PFI scheme was launched today. It
involves plans to change the law to clear the way for the
sale of certain buildings within the Stormont Estate.

At present, such a move is forbidden under the terms of a
1933 Act.

The Government is stressing that Stormont Castle and
Parliament Buildings will remain in public ownership.

A public consultation on the proposed law change will run
until December 16.

Some 88 buildings are involved in the PFI initiative, but
around half are leased, and these leases will be taken over
by whoever wins the contract.

The department claims that selling the buildings and
renting them back from a private landlord will save the
taxpayer £200m over the 20 years. It states that an
estimated £100m is needed to bring the properties up to
modern standards.

Responsibility for upgrading and maintenance costs will be
taken on by the private sector owner.

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