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August 02, 2005

UVF Boss Is Informer

To Index of Monthly Archives
To August 2005 Index

News about Ireland & the Irish

DI 08/02/05 UVF Boss 'Is Informer'
IT 08/03/05 Threat By DUP To Disrupt Policing Board
BB 08/02/05 Policing Board Tenure 'Extended'
BB 08/02/05 Military Move Heralds End Of Era
DI 08/02/05 Opin: Good Riddance To A Sectarian Militia
NY 08/02/05 Hope In Northern Ireland
EX 08/02/05 Demands On IRA To Disarm Amid Scaledown
GU 08/02/05 Opin: Surrender Of Dreams
DI 08/02/05 Release Dessie O'Hare Appeal
SW 08/02/05 How Brits Brought The Gun Into Irish Politics
SW 08/02/05 Sinn Fein Steps Down The Road To Respectability
IT 08/03/05 Pipeline Go-Ahead For Shell Condemned
UT 08/03/05 Republic Of IRL Has Lowest Unemployment Rate
IT 08/03/05 Clare Tourism Proposal Suffers Setback
IT 08/03/05 Muckross Houses New Entrance & Guide-Only Tours

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http://62.253.251.16/dailyireland/home.tvt?_ticket=LXM7VZDVBHSJ53J94NNAD01N9LLDNVP5TRRIVQNAFN1EDMMDEMTFURUQC609ANWRBLPEBHSJ5LE1HONDNMTEGPKACN1FURUQ6G&_scope=DailyIreland/Content/News&id=7864&opp=1

UVF Boss 'Is Informer'

by Ciarán Barnes c.barnes@dailyireland.com

The Ulster Volunteer Force boss who sanctioned the murders
of three Protestants during the last month is named as a
police informer in a new report published by a respected
human-rights organisation.

The British Irish Rights Watch report has been sent to the
United Nations, the US Congress, the Police Ombudsman and
the Independent Monitoring Commission.

The report centres on the 1997 murder of 22-year-old north
Belfast man Raymond McCord.

He was beaten to death by the UVF and his body dumped in a
quarry.

Two of the men directly involved in the murder are said to
be Special Branch agents.

They are named in the report as being police informers,
along with the current overall commander of the UVF.

The UVF commander is in his 50s and comes from the Shankill
area of west Belfast. He sanctioned the killings of three
Protestants during July.

Jameson Lockhart, Craig McCausland and Stephen Paul were
murdered by the UVF as part of its ongoing feud with the
Loyalist Volunteer Force.

British Irish Rights Watch director Jane Winter said it
seemed that UVF members who doubled as police informers
could act "with impunity".

Referring specifically to the McCord case, she said: "It
would appear that this is yet another case where senior UVF
informers have been able to act with impunity over a long
number of years, literally getting away with murder, while
the police have colluded with their illegal activities.

"Our report calls upon the British government to put in
place immediately an effective investigation into the
murder of Raymond McCord.

"Such an investigation must be completely independent of
the PSNI, given the serious allegations of collusion which
arise in this case."

The McCord family specifically instructed British Irish
Rights Watch not to send its report to the PSNI because the
family has no confidence in the force. No one has ever been
charged in connection with Mr McCord's murder.

Raymond McCord Sr, the victim's father, has been an
outspoken critic of paramilitaries.

He has defied UVF death threats to allege that PSNI
informers within UVF ranks had been involved in his son's
murder.

He has also claimed that Special Branch has blocked the
investigation into the killing.

"I don't want this report going anywhere near the PSNI," Mr
McCord yesterday told Daily Ireland.

"Special Branch ran the UVF gang that killed my son and
they then covered up his murder and protected those
responsible.

"I have absolutely no faith in the police doing anything to
get my family justice.

"When Hugh Orde took over as chief constable, he promised
changes. Nothing has happened. The Special Branch is as
corrupt as ever. Mr Orde should resign."

Police Ombudsman Nuala O'Loan and her office have been
investigating the PSNI's handling of the McCord case. The
office is expected to report its findings later this year.

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http://www.ireland.com/newspaper/ireland/2005/0803/2241233512HM7POLICING.html

Threat By DUP To Disrupt Policing Board

Dan Keenan, Northern News Editor

Democratic Unionists, already furious at British army
demilitarisation, will threaten to disrupt the work of the
policing board when they meet Northern Secretary Peter Hain
in London this morning following his latest announcement.

Mr Hain said yesterday he would extend the board's life by
up to 12 months to provide "stability and continuity to
continue its important work".

The DUP wants a new membership when the remit of the
current 19-member body ends on October 16th. The party
believes a new policing board line-up should reflect its
strong electoral showing in the three most recent
elections.

Unionists accused Mr Hain of a political ploy in holding
open the door to membership of the board to enable Sinn
Féin to take its seats should it alter its position on
policing within the next year.

Mr Hain said: "I have given the current position of the
Northern Ireland Policing Board careful consideration and I
am well aware of the different positions from the parties
on this issue.

"However, my overriding concern during these deliberations
has been that the board, which successfully fulfils a vital
role in policing accountability arrangements, is provided
with stability and continuity to continue its important
work. I hope that circumstances permit the board to be
reconstituted before October 2006.

"I acknowledge that there are issues around the
membership's numbers from a party political perspective but
at a time of big change, we need some stability and
continuity."

However, DUP board member Sammy Wilson said the decision
was "a slap in the face for unionists by a secretary of
state who will bend over backwards to satisfy a bunch of
terrorists".

Speaking to The Irish Times he warned: "The secretary of
state is looking for stability. Well he won't get it. We
will not be acting predictably. The board will not run as
smoothly as it has."

Asked if he expected to see Sinn Féin figures across the
table when the board is finally reconstituted Mr Wilson
said: "No I don't. If there are Sinn Féin people then
there'll be even more frustration of the government plan
than now." The decision was welcomed by board chairman Prof
Sir Desmond Rea and vice-chairman Denis Bradley.

Mr Bradley said: "I'm very pleased with this decision, it's
a very courageous decision given the backlash it has
endured over the last couple of days. I of course
understand the DUP's position, but the fact remains that
eight unionist members and two SDLP doesn't reflect the
make-up of Northern Ireland."

The board's "detachment and authority are unique in
policing terms and it would be wrong to upset it now", he
added.

Denying the announcement was politically motivated, he
said: "It is not being done for Sinn Féin. I believe it
will point the finger at Sinn Féin and increase pressure on
them to provide proper representation of the constituency.
There is no other agenda here other than good policing in
Northern Ireland."

Mr Bradley said he will not seek appointment to any new
board when it is finally reconstituted.

The SDLP's Alex Attwood, another board member, said: "The
decision to continue the present membership of the policing
board until October 2006 is the right decision for
policing."

Ulster Unionist leader Sir Reg Empey said: "We are opposed
to this roll-over. This decision by the secretary of state,
who has clearly been influenced by both Sinn Féin and
Dublin, is specifically designed to make it easier for Sinn
Féin to join."

© The Irish Times

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http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/4739019.stm

Policing Board Tenure 'Extended'

The government has asked the 19 current members of the
Policing Board to continue to serve into next year.

NI Secretary Peter Hain said for reasons of stability and
continuity he wanted members to continue for a period
ending no later than October 2006.

The DUP wanted a complete revamp of the board to reflect
its strong showing in the last election, whilst the SDLP
was in favour of an extension.

The terms of office of all board members were due to expire
in October.

The board is comprised of nine independent members and 10
drawn from the political parties.

Mr Hain said he hoped the board, which holds the PSNI to
account, could be reconstituted before October 2006.

He added: "I am well aware of the different positions from
the parties on this issue.

"However, my overriding concern during these deliberations
has been that the board, which successfully fulfils a vital
role in policing accountability arrangements, is provided
with stability and continuity to continue its important
work. "

Mr Hain added: "All parts of the community must support the
work of the Policing Board and I pay tribute to the board's
continued commitment to their role in ensuring that the
PSNI is effective, efficient and accountable to community."

The current Chairman, Professor Desmond Rea, and Vice
Chairman, Denis Bradley are to continue in their roles.

Mr Rea said the board would remain focussed on supporting
the PSNI, holding it to account through the chief
constable, and making arrangements for obtaining the co-
operation of the public with the police.

The SDLP's Alex Attwood welcomed the secretary of state's
decision as the "right" one.

Mr Attwood said: "The announcement yesterday by the British
government revealed how it is the IRA who have held up
normalisation given that what was announced yesterday was
agreed and published over two years ago.

"Despite the efforts of Sinn Fein and the IRA to hold up
policing over the same period, they have failed, and failed
miserably.

DUP anger

"Sinn Fein should cut their loses on policing and join us
in implementing far reaching policing change."

However, the DUP's Sammy Wilson said it was a disgrace that
the board no longer accurately reflects Northern Ireland's
political landscape.

"This is dictatorship over democracy," he said.

"It's political bias over fairness and it is an attempt by
the government to ensure that it has got a board which will
drive through the agenda which is required to placate Sinn
Fein on policing.

"We are sick and tired of these slaps in the face to our
community while he (the secretary of state) bends over
backwards for a bunch of terrorists."

In a statement the DUP's Policing Board members said their
party's co-operation on the board "cannot be taken for
granted".

The Northern Ireland Policing Board was established in
November 2001 following recommendations in the Patten
Report.

Story from BBC NEWS:
Published: 2005/08/02 17:10:05 GMT
© BBC MMV

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http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/4739227.stm

Military Move Heralds End Of Era

By Brian Rowan
BBC Northern Ireland security editor

It was the day the Army started to say goodbye after a
decades-long operation in support of the police in Northern
Ireland.

The past few days have been truly remarkable - with words
and actions pointing to some sort of endgame.

We knew that when the IRA ordered an end to its armed
campaign, that we would see the security landscape
transformed and that is what is happening.

Operation Banner - how the Army has described its back-up
role first to the Royal Ulster Constabulary and then to the
Police Service of Northern Ireland - will end on 1 August
2007.

It will be 35-years-old when it is brought to a close - the
longest military operation in the history of the British
Army.

Between now and then, watchtowers and bases will be
demolished, troop numbers reduced to 5,000 and the Northern
Ireland based battalions of the Royal Irish Regiment -
which grew out of the Ulster Defence Regiment - will be
stood down.

What will be left of the Army in Northern Ireland in two
years time will be a peace time garrison.

The remaining soldiers will not be seen on the streets but
will be deployed elsewhere when needed.

Republicans will view this as "military Brits out" - that
is its real significance.

And, in the new situation that is developing, Sinn Fein's
Martin McGuinness has spoken of the "soldiers" of the IRA
and the British Army beginning to trust each other.

These may not be the words that the Army's commanders would
choose, but in their actions they are telling us that they
believe that the republican "war" is over.

Colonel Mark Campbell of the Royal Irish Regiment said as
much when I asked him: "Did he trust the word of the IRA?"

"Well, there is a verification process in place of course,"
he said.

"They will have to deliver on their words. But our view is
that that is most likely to occur, yes."

The colonel stood solidly at his wicket as I bowled towards
him that his soldiers had been thrown to the "political
wolves" and that the end of the home-based battalions of
the Royal Irish Regiment had been delivered on demand from
Sinn Fein.

Given what was evolving, he said he believed the security
response was "practical" - and the specific decision on his
regiment was "decent and honourable".

He told me these were Army decisions based on security
assessments which had not been influenced by politics.

Unionists won't believe that, and you could feel the
political earthquake beneath your feet when the
announcement came at noon on Monday 1 August.

But we are seeing that they have no influence on this
process of security decision making.

Within hours of Monday's announcement, more of the military
watchtowers were being pulled down in south Armagh and work
has begun to remove the Army's monitoring equipment from
Divis Tower in the constituency of the Sinn Fein President
Gerry Adams.

There is, of course, unfinished business.

Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party will have a big say
in the politics of re-building the power-sharing executive
at Stormont.

Then there is the issue of how you bring Sinn Fein to the
position of endorsing the Police Service of Northern
Ireland and joining the Policing Board in Northern Ireland.
And there is decommissioning.

It could be weeks before we hear from General de Chastelain
that the job of putting the IRA's arms beyond use has been
completed.

He is back in Canada and his colleague Andrew Sens is in
the United States.

I am told there will be "no running commentary" on
decommissioning.

The general will report when the job is done, the new
church witnesses will speak and the IRA's 'P O'Neill' might
well pen his last words of this "war".

The past few days have given us the stuff of history -
words and actions that point towards a better peace than
the one we have had so far.

But there is another question: Are the loyalist
paramilitaries watching and listening?

Because, in the here and now of Northern Ireland, it is
their guns that are loudest.

Story from BBC NEWS:
Published: 2005/08/02 14:54:08 GMT
© BBC MMV

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EDITORIAL - Good Riddance To A Sectarian Militia

That the response to the announcement that locally-based
units of the RIR are to be disbanded was split perfectly
along sectarian lines is perhaps the most telling comment
on the regiment.

The RIR, and previously the UDR, was not just perceived by
unionists as "their" regiment, it was their regiment in
every sense of the word. That one fact on its own would be
enough to ensure that it has no place in the changing
political and security environment, but there are many more
reasons why those of us who want to leave the past behind
and move ahead towards a brighter future welcome the fact
that the regiment in the North is to be consigned to the
dustbin of history.

The most charitable view that nationalists held of the
UDR/RIR was that it was an out-of-control sectarian rabble;
just as likely, however, they were inclined to view it as a
murderous militia raised to occupy the shadowy no-man's-
land between the forces of the British state and the
loyalist paramilitaries.

The Hunt Report recommended the establishment of the UDR as
a locally-recruited military back-up for the RUC after the
B-Specials were stood down thanks to their fearsome
reputation as an irreformably sectarian band of thugs and
bigots. Not only did the UDR take on that dark mantle, they
targeted the Catholic population of the North on a regular
and systematic basis to the extent that the sight of a
revolving red torch on a darkened road at night would
strike terror in the heart of any Catholic. It is no
exaggeration to say that the UDR was viewed as comrades-in-
arms of the UDA and the UVF.

There has been much talk since yesterday's announcement of
the "few bad apples" who tarnished the reputation of the
UDR/RIR. In fact, the documented number of cases of
regiment members engaged in sectarian violence – those
cases processed by the courts – is too high on its own to
sustain the "bad apples" theory; and, more importantly,
does anyone seriously believe that every UDR man who ever
turned a gun or a bomb on innocent Catholics was brought to
book for it? The reality is, of course, that for every "bad
apple" who ended up in court, there were countless more
going about their dread business without let or hindrance.
Far from a few maggots drilling holes in the odd apple, the
orchard was infested.

Given the current vogue for demands for apologies in the
light of an eventful five days, you would think there's a
strong case for the regiment to say sorry for what it's
done. Instead, what we're hearing is a lot of revisionist
guff about 30 years of brave and loyal service. History, of
course, will reflect the truth. It will not judge the
regiment unfairly, but accurately: that the UDR/RIR was,
like the B-Specials, an impediment to peace that had to be
got out of the way. Most nationalists have little interest
in hearing the word "sorry" from the RIR brass – a simple
and final "goodbye" is more than enough.

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http://www.iht.com/articles/2005/08/02/opinion/edira.php

Hope In Northern Ireland

The New York Times
Wednesday, August 3, 2005

The Irish Republican Army has finally managed to say what
people of good will have urged it to say for years. Let us
hope that those words are now translated into action and
that the other parties in Northern Ireland's political wars
can rise to the promise of a historic opportunity.

Last Thursday, in plain language, the IRA formally ordered
"an end to the armed campaign." It instructed all IRA units
to turn in their arms, and it pledged to quickly and
verifiably render all the IRA's remaining weapons unusable.

The IRA's armed campaign against British military
personnel, local police and unarmed civilians has been
restrained by a cease-fire since 1997. Since the latest
round of Northern Ireland's troubles began in the late
1960s, more than 3,500 people have been killed, about half
of them victims of IRA terror. Regrettably, the IRA still
insists on calling its activities during those years
legitimate. They were not, and acknowledging that would
have made it easier for those families who suffered to
trust the IRA's new words of peace. And obviously, now that
it has pledged its members to "exclusively peaceful means,"
the IRA cannot allow them to engage in the thuggish crimes
like bank robberies, barroom murders and punishment
beatings that have made them so many enemies among law-
abiding nationalists and unionists alike.

If the IRA shows that it means exactly what it has now
said, the other leading players in Northern Ireland's
affairs must step up to their own responsibilities for
consolidating peace and normality. Without delay, loyalist
paramilitary groups from the Protestant community must
follow the IRA's example and permanently renounce all armed
activity and destroy or surrender all their weapons.

The Reverend Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionists, now the
majority party among Protestant voters, must take the IRA's
yes for an answer and agree to form a power-sharing
executive cabinet with the IRA's electoral wing, Sinn Fein,
now the majority party among Roman Catholics.

None of these steps will come easily or without constant
efforts by London and Dublin. A genuine end to such an
ancient, violent feud would be a sign of hope in a world
that desperately needs to believe that there is a path out
of terrorism that does not involve mutual destruction.

The Irish Republican Army has finally managed to say what
people of good will have urged it to say for years. Let us
hope that those words are now translated into action and
that the other parties in Northern Ireland's political wars
can rise to the promise of a historic opportunity.

Last Thursday, in plain language, the IRA formally ordered
"an end to the armed campaign." It instructed all IRA units
to turn in their arms, and it pledged to quickly and
verifiably render all the IRA's remaining weapons unusable.

The IRA's armed campaign against British military
personnel, local police and unarmed civilians has been
restrained by a cease-fire since 1997. Since the latest
round of Northern Ireland's troubles began in the late
1960s, more than 3,500 people have been killed, about half
of them victims of IRA terror. Regrettably, the IRA still
insists on calling its activities during those years
legitimate. They were not, and acknowledging that would
have made it easier for those families who suffered to
trust the IRA's new words of peace. And obviously, now that
it has pledged its members to "exclusively peaceful means,"
the IRA cannot allow them to engage in the thuggish crimes
like bank robberies, barroom murders and punishment
beatings that have made them so many enemies among law-
abiding nationalists and unionists alike.

If the IRA shows that it means exactly what it has now
said, the other leading players in Northern Ireland's
affairs must step up to their own responsibilities for
consolidating peace and normality. Without delay, loyalist
paramilitary groups from the Protestant community must
follow the IRA's example and permanently renounce all armed
activity and destroy or surrender all their weapons.

The Reverend Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionists, now the
majority party among Protestant voters, must take the IRA's
yes for an answer and agree to form a power-sharing
executive cabinet with the IRA's electoral wing, Sinn Fein,
now the majority party among Roman Catholics.

None of these steps will come easily or without constant
efforts by London and Dublin. A genuine end to such an
ancient, violent feud would be a sign of hope in a world
that desperately needs to believe that there is a path out
of terrorism that does not involve mutual destruction.

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http://www.examiner.ie/pport/web/Full_Story/did-sgdTwVDvXKxxAsgHuTLc4nqWo2.asp

Fresh Demands On IRA To Disarm Amid Security Scaledown

By Alan Erwin

THE IRA last night faced new demands to begin its promised
disarmament amid a developing security scaledown in the
North.

Unionists still in shock at the speed of the
demilitarisation process urged British Prime Minister Tony
Blair to lean on the Provisionals.

Decommissioning chief General John de Chastelain, who has
had fresh talks with an IRA representative, has returned
home to Canada - dimming hopes of an imminent weapons
destruction.

Democratic Unionist MP Jeffrey Donaldson said: "What are
the IRA waiting for?

"What are they ashamed of? What have they got to hide?"

His anger rose as soldiers began tearing down a military
watchtower despised by republicans in west Belfast.

The Divis Tower observation post has been used by the
British Army since the 1970s to scan the streets of Sinn
Féin President Gerry Adams's constituency.

Mr Adams said the removal would be a relief for residents
in his constituency forced to endure the military presence.

The west Belfast MP mischievously added that it could be
rebuilt at the church in the east of the city where Mr
Paisley, the Democratic Unionist Party leader opposed to
the demilitarisation and disbandment of Royal Irish
Regiment battalions, preaches regularly.

He said: "If Ian Paisley wants it to be transferred to the
tower of the Free Presbyterian church, to the tower of the
Martyrs' Memorial church, that's a matter for him."

But he refused to offer any new insight into the IRA's
plans to honour a pledge to ditch its guns as part of
ending its armed struggle.

"The IRA has made its commitments on that. It's between the
IRA and the IICD (Independent International Commission on
Decommissioning)."

Demolition work has already started at a number of army
posts in south Armagh and Derry as part of the dramatic
changes to the North's security landscape. Washington
joined the clamour for the Provos to back up their historic
statement with deeds.

On his first official visit to the North, the new US
Ambassador to Britain, Robert Holmes Tuttle said: "It is a
great step forward and I am really proud of everything that
has been done but now we have got to see the actions."

In another move, the British government announced the
current Northern Ireland Policing Board membership would be
extended for another year in an attempt to stave off
instability.

Yet for Mr Donaldson, the government's number one priority
should be pressing the IRA into disarming.

"It shouldn't be down to unionist politicians," Mr
Donaldson stressed. "Where is the prime minister on all
this?

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http://politics.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,9115,1541422,00.html

Surrender Of Dreams

Niall Stanage
Wednesday August 3, 2005
The Guardian

Almost one week after the IRA's historic statement ending
its armed campaign, the air remains thick with claims of a
sellout by Tony Blair. The Democratic Unionist leader, the
Rev Ian Paisley, as predictably negative as ever, has
described modest moves towards normalisation in Northern
Ireland as "a surrender to the IRA".

Yesterday a Daily Telegraph editorial, sputtering with
rage, referred to the removal of British army watchtowers
and other decisions to scale down the military presence, as
"extra treats" for "the terrorists".

When it comes to Northern Ireland, the landscape looks very
different depending on where you stand.

To the tens of thousands of Irish people who hold some
sympathy for Sinn Féin, it seems blindingly obvious that it
is republicans who have been to the fore in taking the
risks and swallowing the compromises that have made the
peace process possible.

The gulf in perceptions about the peace process emanates,
like so much else, from opposing views of the nature of the
IRA. For those who believe the guerrilla group was never
more than a brutal criminal enterprise, last week's
announcement was merely a belated acknowledgment by the
Provisionals that democratic rules should apply in Northern
Ireland. As such, it was unworthy of praise, much less
gratitude.

But many others never saw the IRA that way. Even when the
republican movement's transition to politics was in its
earliest stages, and the armed struggle was at its most
unpopular, about one-third of Northern Ireland's
nationalist community voted for Sinn Féin. Those voters
endorsed the idea that the IRA's campaign was a legitimate
response to British and unionist domination, and to the
manifold injustices that went with it.

Republican supporters during the darkest years were, to be
sure, a minority within a minority. But there were enough
of them to sustain and nourish the IRA's armed struggle
indefinitely and to frustrate all efforts at a settlement
that would exclude them. They were, simply, too numerous to
ignore.

Sinn Féin's popularity has expanded enormously as the
republican movement has adopted an unarmed strategy. The
party has become the voice of the majority of northern
nationalists, leaving the moderate SDLP in its wake. It has
also grown apace in the Irish Republic.

But it is manifestly absurd to suggest that the peace
process has been all gain and no pain for republicans. The
articles of faith from which the armed struggle sprang -
the need for a British declaration to withdraw from the
north, the imperative of a united Ireland, and the absolute
rejection of the legitimacy of the six-county state - have
all been eroded or quietly abandoned.

Like Gerry Adams or loathe him, there is no doubting the
scale of his political achievement. He has kept the
republican movement largely intact as it has travelled a
long, tortuous path.

Adams's tactical masterstroke has been the slow, quiet
disentangling of the two strands that inspired and
sustained the modern IRA - one was old-style nationalist
fervour; the other a feeling that the northern state was
inherently unjust and irreformable.


It seems unlikely Adams will ever explicitly say that he
has come to an accommodation with the northern state. But
that is the realistic consequence of his actions, at least
in the medium term.

The Sinn Féin president has been able to keep most
republicans on board by emphasising practical gains - the
release of prisoners, the gradual reduction of British
troop numbers, and his party's increased access to the
levers of power - while more ambitious yet abstract goals,
like the creation of a united and socialist Ireland, have
faded.

Most Republicans believe that the gains from the peace
process have been worth the sacrifices - but for many it is
a close-run thing. Ambivalence lingers about last week's de
facto retirement of an organisation that, for better or
worse, gave many northern nationalists a sense that they
could strike back against the forces that oppressed them.

The prospect of having to reach a political accommodation
with the DUP does not excite enthusiasm. The continuing
participation of loyalist paramilitaries in violence and
intimidation frays nationalist nerves still further.

Many people balk at giving the IRA credit for anything. But
the organisation and its supporters have stepped up to the
plate at crucial moments for more than a decade. In doing
so, they have shown that peace can only come when dreams of
total victory are surrendered.

It is a lesson that Ian Paisley and his recalcitrant
colleagues still seem unwilling to learn.

· Niall Stanage is a correspondent for the Dublin-based
Sunday Business Post

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Release Dessie O'Hare Appeal

By Conor McMorrow c.mcmorrow@dailyireland.com

Senior figures in the Catholic church have thrown their
weight behind the campaign for the immediate release of a
prominent republican prisoner.

Clergymen and community leaders have been involved over the
past few months in the campaign to have Dessie O'Hare
released, Daily Ireland has learned.

The clergymen involved have chosen to remain anonymous.

Mr O'Hare was given a 40-year prison sentence in April 1988
for offences including the kidnapping of Dublin dentist
John O'Grady.

The 40-year sentence was the longest in the history of the
state for any offence other than capital murder.

Eddie McGarrigle, a director of Teach na Fáilte, a group
that provides support for republican socialist ex-prisoners
and their families, has been one of the people spearheading
the campaign to have Mr O'Hare released.

Mr McGarrigle, who is also on the ardchomhairle of the
Irish Republican Socialist Party, said: "The background to
the situation is that the Prison Service has basically
washed their hands of Dessie and say that it is up to
Michael McDowell [the justice minister] when he gets
released.

"Michael McDowell agreed to release Dessie in April if he
got two reviews from doctors. Dessie did that and got a
clean bill of health so the Prison Service are now saying
that the decision is now with Mr McDowell."

Mr O'Hare, from Keady in Co Armagh, was a member of the IRA
before defecting to the Irish National Liberation Army.

He has been out on between 15 and 20 temporary paroles over
the past three years as part of his prerelease programme.
It is understood he was released temporarily again last
week.

In December 2002, he was moved from Portlaoise Prison in Co
Laois to the lower-security Castlerea Prison in Co
Roscommon and put on a prerelease programme.

Mr McGarrigle, who has been working closely with Mr
O'Hare's family as part of the campaign to have him
released, described the relatives' anguish as they await Mr
O'Hare's release.

"The turmoil Dessie's wife Claire and their two children go
through is unbelievable. They can't plan anything. They
don't know anything about his paroles until the day
beforehand. It's not even as if they know that he will be
released," he said.

"They have been put under serious mental torture and mental
anguish as they have been waiting for three years for his
release."

Mr McGarrigle said: "I can see Dessie settle down to a
quiet family life when he gets out. He is on record as
saying that his war is over."

He added: "There are community leaders and members of the
clergy involved in the campaign to release Dessie. However,
the case is very political and the book now stops with
Michael McDowell."

Mr McGarrigle said he realised that it would be difficult
for Mr O'Hare to adapt to life outside prison but said the
time was right for his release.

"Getting out of prison will be difficult for him because he
is institutionalised but you can't prepare somebody 100 per
cent to come out. They just have to be allowed to go and do
it themselves," he said.

"I think that he has to be given a chance like everybody
else as we are supposed to be in a new political era. The
offences that he is in jail for took place over 20 years
ago, and a perception of somebody can't keep them in jail.
He should be treated equally like everybody else and given
a chance."

******************************************

http://www.socialistworker.co.uk/article.php4?article_id=7030

How The British Government Brought The Gun Into Irish
Politics

by Chris Bambery

"The IRA put the gun into Irish politics," is the message
pumped out ceaselessly by politicians and the media.

Yet the truth is rather different. The gun was always
present in Northern Ireland — from the state's very
inception in 1921, the police were always armed.

In August 1969 the Provisional IRA did not exist — in fact
there were no effective Republican military organisations
in Northern Ireland. But that changed after 12 August 1969,
when Derry exploded in anger.

The Unionist government had decided to allow Protestant
supremacists to march through Derry city centre, despite
overwhelming opposition in a city where the majority were
Catholics. The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) poured into
the city to ensure the march went ahead.

The mood in the Bogside area of Derry was angry. The
previous October a civil rights demonstration had been
brutally beaten off the street by the same police. In April
police had burst into a house and beaten an unarmed man to
death.

Residents of the Bogside erected barricades to stop the
march entering their community. The police baton charged,
but they were repulsed with stones.

That night they attacked again and entered the Bogside
before being driven back by petrol bombs. The area was
under siege.

On 13 August police fired live rounds, wounding three
people — the first shots fired in Derry.

The next day British home secretary, Labour's James
Callaghan, received a phone call from the Northern Ireland
cabinet requesting that British troops be deployed in
Derry.

At 4pm on 14 August British troops entered the Bogside. For
residents their immediate reaction was relief. But in
Belfast things were turning even nastier.

The RUC spearheaded a Protestant mob in an all?out assault
on the Catholic Lower Falls area of the city. Police opened
fire with heavy machine guns mounted on armoured cars.

Over two nights eight people were killed, 500 Catholic
homes burnt out and 1,500 Catholic families forced to flee
the area.

Republican activists in the city came together in the
aftermath of this pogrom to create the Provisional IRA. The
overwhelming motivation was to ensure that never again
would Catholic areas be defenceless.

For 50 years Britain had presided over a state it had
carved out in the north eastern corner of Ireland on the
basis of a sectarian head count that would ensure a
permanent Unionist majority.

Catholics were second class citizens in Northern Ireland,
discriminated against in jobs, housing and education.
Electoral boundaries were rigged to ensure Unionists ran
towns like Derry, despite them having Catholic majorities.

The security of the state was guaranteed by an armed all-
Protestant police force and by repressive laws that won the
admiration of the racist rulers of South Africa.

By agreeing to send in troops, the Labour government also
decided to prop up this rotten system.

That policy held for a quarter of a century. The
Provisional IRA swelled into the most efficient guerilla
force in the developed world, enjoying mass support in
Northern Ireland.

Their best recruitment sergeant was the British government.
In a long catalogue of state repression three events stand
out.

In the early hours of 9 August 1971 hundreds of Catholics
were dragged from their homes to be interned indefinitely
without trial.

On Bloody Sunday — 30 January 1972 — the crack paratroop
regiment was deployed in Derry with orders to flush out the
IRA.

A massive civil rights demonstration was taking place and
the IRA had removed its weapons from the area. British
paras opened fire killing 13 unarmed, innocent civilians.

Finally in May 1981 Bobby Sands died on hunger strike in
prison. As an IRA volunteer he had demanded recognition as
a political prisoner. Nine other prisoners died on hunger
strike.

On each of these three occasions, membership and support
for the IRA swelled.

© Copyright Socialist Worker (unless otherwise stated). You
may republish if you include an active link to the original
and leave this notice in place.

******************************************

http://www.socialistworker.co.uk/article.php4?article_id=7029

Sinn Fein Steps Down The Road To Respectability

Martin McGuinness and Gerry Adams outside Downing Street

As the IRA declares an end to its military operations,
Chris Bambery looks at the past, present and future for the
working people of Northern Ireland

Last week's announcement that the IRA has ordered an end to
its military operations was greeted by a predictable
display of hypocrisy from Tony Blair.

All of a sudden a prime minister who has led Britain into
an illegal and bloody war in Iraq was sounding as if he was
the world's number one pacifist.

Meanwhile the British army is busy deploying the counter-
insurgency techniques it crafted on the streets of Derry
into those of occupied Iraq.

Blair presented his role as that of a neutral peace maker
who had sorted out two warring tribes. In this he was
faithfully echoed by the vast majority of the British
media.

But who runs Northern Ireland and who created this state
back in 1921? The answer, of course, is the British
government—which is not and never has been a neutral party
in the Northern Ireland conflict.

War weary

There is much war weariness in Northern Ireland and the
vast majority of people there welcome peace. But there is
also a growing suspicion that the political process now
being played out will bring little change to the lives of
everyday people in Belfast and Derry.

Sinn Fein's leaders Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness have
been able to carry the Republican movement with them
without there being any major split — no mean feat given
that movement's history of internecine splits.

But their ability to deliver peace has not rested solely on
the internal discipline of the Republican movement. Above
all it stemmed from widespread recognition that the IRA
could not achieve a military victory over Britain.

The other side of this was the slow recognition in London
that no amount of repression could defeat the IRA—though
John Major's British government nevertheless had to be
dragged to the peace table by the US and the Irish
Republic.

Adams and McGuinness began the break with militarism by
promoting a twin track policy that complemented the IRA's
military campaign with Sinn Fein contesting elections in
both Irish states.

Over time success meant the electoral thrust gained
predominance. Sinn Fein won the lion's share of the
Catholic vote in the north and is now powerful enough in
the Irish Republic to become a member of a future coalition
government.

Demographic projections suggest the Catholic population of
Northern Ireland is set to become the majority over the
coming years. This means Adams and McGuinness can point to
a possible peaceful road to Irish reunification.

But the price is that the Republicans need to "earn" their
promotion into the ranks of the establishment. Maintaining
close links with the White House is crucial — even if the
incumbent is George Bush.

That is why the Republicans had to implement privatisation
and other neo-liberal measures when they were briefly given
ministerial posts in Northern Ireland.

The IRA's announcement of an end to military operations
will probably mean Sinn Fein entering a new administration
with arch-bigot Ian Paisley. But there is another element
to this shift from the Armalite to Armani suits.

The Provisionals were not "terrorists", in that they were
predominantly waging a campaign focused on British
occupation forces. But neither were they socialist
revolutionaries.

That meant they could stray into actions which were not in
any way anti-imperialist, such as carrying out sectarian
counter-killings or blowing up working class pubs in
Birmingham.

Above all, they saw themselves as being the agents of
liberation for the Irish — a dedicated minority acting on
behalf of the people.

For most of their history that meant seeing freedom coming
through the military campaign of the IRA — but it could
also embrace conventional diplomacy and conventional
electoral politics.

That is why Irish politics is littered with parties who
broke with Republicanism, ditched the gun, made peace with
imperialism and became pillars of the establishment.

Sectarian

Ordinary people in Northern Ireland have welcomed peace,
but the formal political process Sinn Fein has entered into
enshrines sectarian division.

Schools remain divided on religious grounds, abortion is
not available. Meanwhile the British government is running
down spending on education and welfare. Northern Ireland
remains a political slum in which working people, Catholic
and Protestant, pay the price for sectarian divide and
rule.

The Sinn Fein leadership's ability to carry the Republican
movement with them makes it all that more vital that the
forces in Ireland committed to eradicating neo-liberalism,
bigotry, poverty and repression come together and pose an
alternative. Thankfully that work is already underway.

******************************************

http://www.ireland.com/newspaper/ireland/2005/0803/3816639479HM2SHELLINSIDE.html

Pipeline Go-Ahead For Shell Condemned

Lorna Siggins, Marine Correspondent

The five Mayo men who are in jail over their opposition
to the Corrib gas onshore pipeline have condemned the
decision by Minister for the Marine Noel Dempsey to
sanction Shell's laying of the offshore section of the
pipeline.

The Minister's decision is "entirely unacceptable",
according to the five men, Willie Corduff, Philip and
Vincent McGrath, Brendan Philbin and Micheál Ó Seighin, who
are spending their fifth week in Cloverhill Prison.

Shell E&P Ireland has welcomed the decision and says it
will decide shortly when to undertake the work.

Mayo Independent TD Dr Jerry Cowley has called for the
Minister's resignation, while constituency colleague
Michael Ring (Fine Gael) said it was an "insensitive
decision at an insensitive time".

Dr Cowley questioned how the Minister could issue this new
consent when Shell had not even responded to Mr Dempsey's
request two days ago for confirmation of their
understanding of the legal and regulatory obligations to
which they are subject.

"The Minister seems to be totally spineless in relation to
handling this company," he said.

Mayo Fianna Fáil councillor Tim Quinn criticised the
Minister's timing, and said he could not see any pipeline
being laid by the company in north Mayo due to tensions
over the imprisonment of the five men. Mr Quinn is in
favour of an offshore terminal and says Fianna Fáil
councillors in Mayo are united on this approach now.

Dr Mark Garavan, spokesman for the men and for the Shell to
Sea campaign in Rossport, Co Mayo, said the men were still
resolute on the need for an offshore terminal for the
project, in spite of the Minister's decision.

"The Minister's approval for the company to lay down pipes
just a day after he has ordered them to break up pipes
onshore demonstrates the complete lack of coherence by the
State in relation to handling this project," Dr Garavan
said. "The real consent at stake is that of the people of
Rossport, and they do not consent to this high-pressure
pipeline."

The Minister's sanction for phase four of the €900 million
project states that any findings of the new safety review
of the onshore pipeline, which might have an impact on the
offshore section, will be at the company's risk.

Dr Garavan challenged the emphasis placed on the economic
importance of the project by the Minister when making
yesterday's announcement.

"Mr Dempsey compared Corrib to Intel - yet Intel employs
thousands of people, whereas 35 at most will be employed
here on the Corrib field when construction is completed,"
said Dr Garavan.

"An Bord Pleanála's own inspector, Kevin Moore, also
questioned the developer's claim that Corrib would provide
more than 50 per cent of the State's gas requirements in
his report of April 2003.

Pádraig Campbell of the Shell to Sea campaign described the
decision as "insane". The new consent covers the offshore
section of the 20-inch gas-export pipeline from the Corrib
gas field 70km off the Mayo coast to the landfall in
Broadhaven Bay, the water outfall pipeline to about 12.7km
from the landfall, and the umbilical conduit to about 1.7km
from the landfall.

Phase four is one of seven consents which the project is
subject to, under the plan of development approved by
former marine minister Frank Fahey in 2002. The Minister
has approved phases one, two, six (the well head) and
preparatory works of phase three (the onshore pipeline) to
date.

© The Irish Times

******************************************

http://www.utvinternet.com/newsroom/indepth.asp?id=63341&pt=n

Republic Of Ireland Has 'Lowest Unemployment Rate'

The Republic of Ireland has the lowest unemployment rate in
the Euro Zone according to figures released today.

The number of people unemployed for the month of June here
stands at 4.3% while 4.7% of the UK population are signing
on.

Poland has the highest number of unemployed at nearly 20%.

The Republic of Ireland also boasts the second lowest
unemployment rate for under 25 year-olds while Denmark tops
the poll with 7%.

******************************************

http://www.ireland.com/newspaper/ireland/2005/0803/3344500659HM2WESTCLARE.html

Clare Tourism Proposal Suffers Setback

Gordon Deegan

Ambitious plans to open an area of geological interest in
Co Clare to thousands of tourists each year has suffered a
serious setback.

This follows draft plans to develop a nature park at the
Bridges of Ross on the Loop Head peninsula being withdrawn
by applicant Kieran Keating following advice from Clare
County Council.

The Bridges of Ross are located three miles from the Loop
Head lighthouse. They were exposed to centuries of Atlantic
storms which resulted in the unusual geological formation
of three natural arches that spanned an inlet to the north
of the small peninsula. During the 20th century two of
those bridges were washed away.

The council issued the advice to withdraw plans following
concerns expressed by An Taisce, the National Parks and
Wildlife Service and the council's own heritage officer.

The bodies said significant landscape, environmental and
technical concerns were not appropriately dealt with in an
outline application.

Mr Keating will now have to draw up an environmental impact
statement (EIS) and lodge a full planning application if he
wishes to pursue the project.

A council memo recommended that landowners be sought in
partnership to develop the accommodation farther from the
Bridges of Ross in a developed area.

This would integrate Loop Head visitor attractions into the
proposal to act as a focus for accommodation.

Describing the project earlier this year, Mr Keating said:
"The area around the Bridges of Ross is a west Clare
treasure unseen by most of the hundreds of thousands of
visitors to Clare each year. It does attract tens of
thousands of pilgrims, but it suffers from a total lack of
facilities, difficult and dangerous accessibility, and zero
promotion.

"However, all that may be about to change, and the Bridges
of Ross looks set to be polished up to become a real gem of
Clare's tourist circuit."

Mr Keating added: "This specific area is of particular
interest to, among others, walkers, bird-watchers,
geologists and geology students, divers, anglers and
offshore fishermen.

"Facilities are non-existent in the area, with no public
toilet facility within 10 miles. The last investment of any
resources into the site consisted of providing a narrow
gravel/shale pathway from the existing car-park, to the
focal point of the area, the remaining bridge."

With the application now withdrawn, it is understood that
Mr Keating intends to relodge full plans, though this is
pending the results of the environmental impact statement.

© The Irish Times

******************************************

http://www.ireland.com/newspaper/ireland/2005/0803/1208531993HM2MUCKROSS.html

Muckross House To Get New Entrance And 'Guide-Only' Tours

Anne Lucey

Planning permission has been granted to change the main
visitor access to Muckross House, one of the key visitor
attractions in the southwest, to the rear courtyard.

It has also emerged a new "guide-only regime" is to be
phased in for security reasons. This means families and
individuals will no longer be allowed to wander around
Muckross House but will have to join a guided tour.

The provision of the new entrance is to allow "universal
access" but it will also allow the phasing in of "a guide-
only regime", according to the submission to Kerry County
Council by the Office of Public Works (OPW) after a request
for further information.

The house, which hosted a visit by Queen Victoria and her
retinue in 1861, as well as some of the 19th century's most
famous writers and artists, now receives in the region of
200,000 visitors a year.

Many of these tour the house in groups of up to 40 people.
Families and individuals can visit the house without a
guide and this has not posed a problem until now, the OPW
said.

However, "it has been decided to phase out this option" and
it is proposed "all visitors in future would be provided
with a guided tour of the house".

The move to guided-only tours was to protect the house's
collections and to improve fire safety. It is to be phased
in over a number of years and will see group sizes reduced
to a maximum of 35.

The application by the Commissioners of Public Works to
change the entrance has met resistance from locals and
jarveys. Residents argued that the closing of the main
entrance would detract from the historic features of the
house.

This and other changes represented a gradual decline in the
historic features of the house, they claimed in a
submission. These claims have been rejected by the OPW.

Spokesman for the residents Diarmuid Cronin yesterday said
they intended to appeal against the decision to An Bord
Pleanála.

© The Irish Times


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