News about the Irish & Irish American culture, music, news, sports. This is hosted by the Irish Aires radio show on KPFT-FM 90.1 in Houston, Texas (a Pacifica community radio station)

April 06, 2005

Bill Could Restrict Finucane Inquiry

To receive this news via email, click HERE. No Message is necessary
Table of Contents - Overall
Table of Contents – Apr 2005

News about Ireland & the Irish

IT 04/06/05
Bill Could Restrict Finucane Inquiry
IT 04/06/05 Blair On 'Driving Mission' For Historic Third Term
IT 04/06/05 NI Parties Talk Up Chances Ahead Of May Poll
IT 04/06/05 UUP, SDLP Face Crux In Westminster, Local Polls
UT 04/05/05 Focus On NI Seats
BB 04/05/05 Brady Urges Pope's Canonisation
RE 04/05/05 Honour Pope With N.Ireland Says Archbishop
BT 04/05/05 Cleric Apologises In Pope Joke Row
SM 04/05/05 McCartneys Take Justice Campaign To Europe
IT 04/06/05 O'Dea Doubtful McCartney Killers Will Be Brought To Book
NC 04/05/05 Divided Loyalties
IT 04/06/05 Full Wages Not Paid, Say Eyre Square Workers

(Poster’s Note: Sorry for the late news. Bertha, my spouse for 31 years, was involved in a serious accident this morning. She underwent neuro-surgery for serious brain damage. She is recovering in the IUC unit in Houston. The extent of the damage and her recovery are unclear as of now. Please add her to your prayers. Jay)


Bill Could Restrict Finucane Inquiry

Gerry Moriarty, Northern Editor

The British government will tonight try to rush through parliament legislation that would
allow an inquiry into the murder of Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane but could also prevent
all of the inquiry being held in public.

Despite opposition from the Irish Government and the Finucane family, the British
government will attempt to rush the Inquiries Bill through Westminster before parliament
is dissolved this week.

The Northern Ireland Office confirmed that the intention is to push the Bill through
tonight, although such is the raft of legislation to be implemented before parliament rises
it was stressed that there was no guarantee the Bill would pass.

Canadian Judge Peter Cory, who recommended the inquiry into the 1989 UDA killing of
Mr Finucane, also opposes elements of the Bill that would permit the British government
dictate that what it views as sensitive evidence be delivered in private.

The Government and the Finucane family also wanted no restrictions on the public
element of the inquiry. Taoiseach Bertie Ahern lobbied US president George Bush
about the issue during his visit to Washington last month, but nonetheless the British
government has decided to resist all such pressure.

The Finucane family has indicated it will not co-operate with the inquiry if the British
government persists with this restriction, which raises questions about whether the
inquiry can carry out its remit to establish whether there was official British collusion in
Mr Finucane's murder.

The British chairman of the Bloody Sunday inquiry, Lord Saville, has also criticised the
legislation. "I would not be prepared to be a member of an inquiry if at my back was a
minister with power to exclude the public or evidence from the hearings," he said

© The Irish Times


Blair On 'Driving Mission' For Historic Third Term

Durkan and Trimble to face leadership test in May 5th poll

Frank Millar, London Editor, and Gerry Moriarty, Northern Editor

Tony Blair has finally confirmed May 5th as the date on which he will ask the British
people for a third and final term in 10 Downing Street.

The prime minister confirmed Westminster's worst-kept secret yesterday after making
the traditional journey to Buckingham Palace to formally ask Queen Elizabeth to
dissolve parliament next Monday.

On his return he told reporters of his and Labour's "driving mission" for a historic third
consecutive term in which to entrench "hard- won economic stability", accelerate
change and further widen the opportunities available to the British people.

However, Mr Blair has already ensured the unique nature of the forthcoming contest by
becoming the first prime minister to seek a renewal of his mandate while having publicly
committed himself to standing down before the end of the next parliament.

The prospect of a change of Labour leadership, or even, though heavily discounted, a
Conservative government, carries potentially significant implications for the future of
British policy towards Europe and Northern Ireland.

The outcome of the Westminster general election in Northern Ireland could determine
whether David Trimble and Mark Durkan respectively can remain as leaders of the
Ulster Unionist Party and the SDLP. It should also decide whether the UUP and SDLP
can remain as political forces or whether after polling day they will be swamped by the
onward march of the DUP and Sinn Féin.

In Northern Ireland, scores of candidates will compete for 18 Westminster seats, while
several hundred more will fight for almost 600 council seats in the local government
elections also on May 5th.

The most crucial election battles are in Upper Bann where Mr Trimble is under pressure
to hold his seat from DUP candidate David Simpson and in Foyle where Sinn Féin
Assembly member Mitchel McLaughlin is challenging Mr Durkan for John Hume's seat.

At present the UUP holds five Westminster seats and the DUP has targeted each one.

Sinn Féin is confident it can take Séamus Mallon's old seat in Newry-Armagh and
believes it has a good chance in Foyle, as well as a reasonable opportunity to take
Eddie McGrady's SDLP seat in South Down where its candidate is Caitríona Ruane.

In Britain, Conservative leader Michael Howard and Liberal Democrat leader Charles
Kennedy pre-empted Mr Blair's announcement yesterday, launching themselves on
nationwide tours of key constituencies. Both were boosted on the first day of the
campaign proper - Mr Kennedy by the defection of Labour's candidate in Ribble Valley
and Mr Howard by an opinion poll suggesting a five-point Conservative lead among
those "certain to vote".

Three other polls fuelled headline suggestions of a Tory surge, with Labour's previous
lead variously being cut to between 2 and 5 percentage points.

However, while the Conservatives appeared to be closing the gap, the Populus poll for
the London Times made clear that even with a 37-35 gap, Labour might have a
Commons majority of 100 seats, down from its present 161, because the electoral
system concentrates Labour voters more effectively.

With Scotland's representation being reduced following devolution, there will be 646
seats in the new House of Commons.

This means Labour would have to lose more than 80 seats to lose its majority, while the
Conservatives would need to gain 158 to win outright.

© The Irish Times


NI Parties Talk Up Chances Ahead Of May Poll

Gerry Moriarty, Northern Editor

More than one million Northern Ireland voters are entitled to go to the polls early next
month to elect 18 MPs to Westminster and almost 600 local councillors.

The main Northern parties embarked on the election campaign yesterday by issuing
confident statements about their prospects in both the local government elections and
the higher-profile, more significant UK general election.

The key battles are the DUP versus the Ulster Unionist Party and Sinn Féin against the

The DUP MP for North Belfast, Nigel Dodds, said last night that his party would
continue to make inroads into the UUP vote.

"When unionists see the choice between vibrant confident unionism which has held the
line, engaged in constructive negotiations, put Sinn Féin/IRA on the back foot, and that's
the case for the Democratic Unionists, and compare that to the Trimble era of
concessions to the IRA, I think they will make their choice very clearly."

Commenting on recent talks to agree a unionist single-candidate pact for key marginal
constituencies, Mr Dodds said that the UUP was not serious about such an

"The UUP's proposals amounted to nothing less than a save-the-Ulster-Unionist-Party
exercise that shunned contests between unionists in constituencies where there is no
prospect of losing the seat to nationalists or republicans, and abandoned unionists in
several constituencies, directing them to vote for a united-Irelander or a single-issue

However, Sir Reg Empey, a senior UUP Assembly member, said he did not believe
people in Northern Ireland "wanted a country carved up between Ian Paisley and Gerry

"Both these men are divisive. We need to be uniting Northern Ireland, not dividing it.

"To have each section of the community operating separately, with its own leaders, is
against the long-term interests of everybody here."

Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams said his party was entering the election in a positive
frame of mind, while not taking the electorate for granted.

"Despite recent attempts to demonise our party and our voters, we face into these two
important elections in a confident mood.

"We will be bringing our vision of a new Ireland and support for the peace process to
every constituency in the six counties. We will fight this election as an all-Ireland party,"
said Mr Adams.

"At the end of this campaign we aim to come out with increased political strength to
allow us to ensure that in the negotiations which will follow this poll the Good Friday
agreement agenda is secured, and the peace process is advanced further."

SDLP leader Mark Durkan said his party was entering the election with a strong slate of
candidates for both the Westminster and local elections, and with a strong policy

He said a vote for the SDLP was a vote for inclusion, "real peace" and "decent

Alliance leader David Ford said only his party had a "credible alternative vision" for
Northern Ireland.

© The Irish Times


UUP, SDLP Face Crux In Westminster, Local Polls

Gerry Moriarty, Northern Editor

The future of the Ulster Unionist Party and the SDLP are at stake in the Westminster
and local government elections announced yesterday by Tony Blair.

The Rev Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party is seeking to obliterate the UUP. In the
British general election of 2001 the UUP won six seats. This time there is not one UUP
seat that is absolutely safe from the DUP.

The outcome of this battle should determine the future of David Trimble as Ulster
Unionist leader, and possibly the future of the UUP as a real force in Northern Ireland

Sinn Féin is also targeting the SDLP's three seats. The result here could dictate the
future of Mark Durkan as SDLP leader and the potential of the party to continue to
challenge Sinn Féin for nationalist support.

The outcome will also tell whether Sinn Féin is damaged by the allegations of IRA

In the last local government elections in 2001 the UUP ended up with 154 seats (23 per
cent), the DUP with 131 (21 per cent), the SDLP with 117 (19 per cent), Sinn Féin with
108 seats (21 per cent), Alliance with 28 seats (5 per cent) and others 44 (11 per cent).

Some results in the 18 Westminster constituencies hinge on whether the DUP and UUP
can agree a single-candidate unity pact for some constituencies before the close of
nominations on April 19th.

In the 2001 Westminster election the UUP won six seats, the DUP five, Sinn Féin four
and the SDLP three. In Lagan Valley, however, Jeffrey Donaldson defected from the
UUP to the DUP, giving the DUP six seats now against five for the UUP.


James Cooper was favourite to take the seat last time for the UUP in the Westminster
elections in 2001, but the decision of Enniskillen bomb victim Jim Dixon to stand as an
independent candidate with the effective support of the DUP split the unionist vote to
allow Michelle Gildernew achieve a sensational victory for Sinn Féin.

There is continuing talk of a unity unionist candidate, but such are the divisions between
the UUP and the DUP, which wants to run its high-profile former Ulster Unionist
candidate Arlene Foster, that an accommodation appears problematic, which would
hand the advantage to Gildernew. If, however, the two unionist parties briefly bury their
differences and agree a candidate then it's a tight scrap.


This was another gain for Sinn Féin in 2001 when Pat Doherty took the seat. He
appears a certainty unless the other parties agree that independent hospital campaigner
Dr Kieran Deeney should be allowed a free run against the Sinn Féiner.

The UUP said the DUP was opposing such a strategy. Also, the SDLP walking away
from a battle would be exploited by Sinn Féin as the SDLP effectively walking away
from politics. But who knows what might be agreed between now and the close of
nominations? Certainly, a straightforward Doherty v Deeney contest could go either


A sure fire seat for Sinn Féin's chief negotiator Martin McGuinness.


A dogfight. It's a battle here for the future of the SDLP, with leader Mark Durkan battling
to hold John Hume's seat against the challenge of Sinn Féin's Mitchel McLaughlin.
Hume with 25,000 votes had almost double the vote of his nearest rival, McLaughlin, in
2001, but in the 2003 Assembly election the SDLP without Hume was only 1,500 votes
in front.

The result is impossible to call at this stage although before the Northern Bank robbery,
the Robert McCartney murder and the allegations of Mafia-style IRA money-laundering
the advantage appeared to rest with Sinn Féin. The question is whether those
allegations have stalled the Sinn Féin juggernaut.


Gregory Campbell of the DUP broke the UUP stranglehold on the seat in 2001 and
should be safely returned to Westminster.


Seamus Mallon, like John Hume, bows out of politics, handing the task of holding this
seat for the SDLP to Dominic Bradley. Even with some form of backlash against Sinn
Féin following from alleged IRA criminality it seems a gargantuan challenge for him to
prevent Conor Murphy winning the seat for Sinn Féin.

In the last Assembly election Sinn Féin won three of the six seats, with the SDLP only
able to take one, which tells its own tale, and even a unity unionist candidate would be
hard pressed to defeat Murphy.


This should be the bitterest of struggles, with David Trimble not only seeking to hold his
seat and his leadership of the Ulster Unionist Party but striving to save the UUP from
potential annihilation by the DUP.

In the 2001 Westminster election Trimble, who suffered intimidation while canvassing in
his constituency, held the seat by 2,000 votes from the DUP's David Simpson.

In the Assembly election in November 2003 the DUP was only 400 votes behind the
UUP, and that doesn't count other anti-agreement unionists in that race. If the DUP can
maintain that momentum then Trimble is in serious trouble.


This has been a safe UUP seat since it was created in 1983, first held by former leader
James Molyneaux and then handed over to his protégé Jeffrey Donaldson, who in the
last Westminster poll romped home with a massive majority of almost 19,000 votes.

This time he is running for the DUP. Ulster Unionists say Donaldson is holding Lagan
Valley on the basis of falsely obtained votes and that they will return to the UUP. If this
is true, then the UUP's candidate, Basil McCrea, has a chance. If it was a mainly
personal vote, which seems the case, then Donaldson should be returned safely.


When former occupant John Taylor (now Lord Kilclooney) walked away from this seat in
2001 it was a close-run battle between the DUP's Iris Robinson and the UUP's David
McNarry, who is not standing this time, with Robinson victorious by 1,100 votes. Since
then, the DUP has consolidated Strangford, and the wind is with Robinson.


DUP leader the Rev Ian Paisley once again is a shoo-in.


Two hardline unionists are the main contenders here, David Burnside for the UUP and
the Rev William McCrea for the DUP, who varies his constituencies between South
Antrim and Mid Ulster, where he has his Assembly seat, raising a local representational
credibility question.

McCrea won the by-election in 2000 by 800 votes, but Burnside with some Alliance
voters tactically supporting him against McCrea took it by 1,000 votes in the general
election a year later.

In the 2003 Assembly poll, however, the DUP was 300 votes ahead of the UUP,
reflecting a general trend. That appears to gives McCrea the edge, but Burnside is a
canny scrapper.


Roy Beggs snr won this seat for the UUP from the DUP's Sammy Wilson by just over
100 votes in 2001. In the Assembly elections, which Beggs did not contest, the DUP
went ahead by 700 votes. If 69-year-old Beggs can claw back some of that vote then he
has a slim chance, but Wilson is favourite.


A unionist unity candidate would have no more than a theoretical chance of regaining
this seat, which Eddie McGrady won for the SDLP from the UUP's Enoch Powell in
1987, and has doggedly held since then.

This should be a straight battle between McGrady and Sinn Féin's Caitriona Ruane
who, unlike some other Sinn Féin candidates, doesn't have the whiff of cordite about
her. While she has been groomed to appeal to SDLP waverers she will find it difficult to
unseat the veteran McGrady.


Bastion of moderate, apathetic unionism and in normal circumstances should be held
for UUP by outgoing MP Lady (Sylvia) Hermon. She won comfortably from former MP
Robert McCartney in 2001, although that time Alliance stood aside.

Even with Alliance running in Assembly elections in 2003 the UUP was 2,600 votes in
front of the DUP. What is yet to be decided is whether McCartney would give the DUP
candidate Peter Weir, formerly of the UUP, a free run against Lady Hermon.

McCartney said yesterday he is discussing the issue with his UK Unionist Party and his
family. If he stands aside then Lady Hermon will have a seriousbattle on her hands.


Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams is unassailable.


Nigel Dodds should be safe for the DUP, but watch the voting patterns as Sinn Féin
prepares North Belfast for future Westminster battles.


The UUP got within 2,000 votes of the DUP in the 2003 Assembly election. With Sir Reg
Empey pitted against the DUP deputy leader Peter Robinson this will be a no-holds-
barred contest.

Alliance, SDLP and Progressive Unionist Party voters tactically switching to Empey
would give him a chance, but Robinson is in pole position.


This is the seat vacated by the Rev Martin Smyth, now contested for the Ulster Unionist
Party by Michael McGimpsey. The chances of a unity unionist candidate may be
receding here, although the issue is still not fully decided.

With the UUP, DUP and SDLP respectively on a 27 per cent, 21 per cent and 23 per
cent share of the vote based on the Assembly 2003 turnout there is an outside chance
that the SDLP's Dr Alasdair McDonnell could sneak it.

McGimpsey must be favourite but if the DUP candidate, yet to be announced, has the
necessary clout and profile then this could be a rambunctious three-way contest, with
Sinn Féin's Alex Maskey contributing to the fun.

© The Irish Times


Focus On NI Seats

With Northern Ireland in political limbo, this year's General Election will determine how
any new bid to plot a path back to devolution takes shape.

By:Press Association

British and Irish Government officials will watch the results in unionism and nationalism
closely to see who speaks for those communities.

FOYLE: With the departure of former SDLP leader John Hume from Westminster, a lot
is riding on his successor Mark Durkan`s ability to hold onto this seat.

Mr Durkan faces a strong and determined challenge from Sinn Fein`s general secretary
Mitchel McLaughlin, knowing republicans reduced the SDLP`s 11,550 Westminster lead
to 1,532 votes in the 2003 Assembly election.

In this do or die contest, defeat for Mark Durkan will make him vulnerable to a
leadership challenge while a loss for Mitchel McLaughlin could tar him with the "always
the bridesmaid" tag. Expect every vote, including unionist votes, to be fought for.

UPPER BANN: If a lot is riding on Mark Durkan`s ability to hang onto Foyle for the
SDLP, defeat for David Trimble could have catastrophic implications for him and the
Ulster Unionists.

The UUP leader was forced to a recount in 2001 by DUP challenger David Simpson and
was jostled outside the count centre. However he won comfortably enough with a 2,058

However four years on, Upper Bann has become even more of a dogfight with Mr
Simpson now an Assembly member, a leading light in the Orange Order, a highly visible
Mayor of Craigavon and his party just 386 votes behind the UUP in the Stormont

EAST ANTRIM: For years Sammy Wilson has carved out a reputation as a witty, tough
talking orator on Belfast city council, in the Assembly and on the Policing Board.

Now he hopes to make his mark at Westminster but must first of all overcome veteran
Ulster Unionist MP Roy Beggs, a politician who has proven adept at seeing off DUP
pretenders to his throne beating Jim Allister in 1983 and Nigel Dodds nine years later.

This is a rematch of the 2001 contest, where Mr Beggs squeaked home with a 128
majority. However DUP hopes of taking the seat were boosted in 2003 when the party
outpolled the Ulster Unionists by 1,680 votes.

SOUTH ANTRIM: Round three in the battle between Ulster Unionist MP David Burnside
and DUP veteran, the Rev William McCrea promises to be another gruelling contest.

In 2000, Mr McCrea captured the seat for the DUP in a by-election, defeating Mr
Burnside by 822 votes, but his reign was short-lived with the UUP`s candidate regaining
the seat one year later with a 1,011 majority.

Mr Burnside will hope his tough rhetoric and attempts to distance himself from David
Trimble will be enough to keep the DUP at bay but he will be mindful that his rivals
outpolled the UUP two years ago in the Assembly Election by 298 votes on a lower

SOUTH BELFAST: The retirement of Ulster Unionist MP, the Rev Martin Smyth has
provided former Stormont Culture Minister Michael McGimpsey with a chance to realise
his dream of sitting on the Westminster benches.

However with unionists unlikely to agree a pact, SDLP deputy leader Dr Alasdair
McDonnell will hope to capitalise on a split vote and become the constituency`s first
ever nationalist MP.

The 2003 Assembly election was tight with the Ulster Unionists 1,293 votes ahead of
the SDLP and the DUP just 1,940 behind their unionist rivals. Much could depend on
the 2,150 votes secured by the Women`s Coalition`s Monica McWilliams in 2003.

FERMANAGH AND SOUTH TYRONE: Michelle Gildernew`s spectacular victory for
Sinn Fein with a wafer thin majority of 53 left many unionists reeling after the 2001
General Election.

The Sinn Fein MP benefited from a split unionist vote and despite warning it should
never happen again, it looks like the UUP and DUP will be unable to agree a pact.

The DUP is fielding former Ulster Unionist Arlene Foster, a decision which has angered
her former colleagues who have chosen Assembly member, Tom Elliott. Sinn Fein will
urge nationalists to consolidate their vote behind Ms Gildernew if a compromise unionist
candidate emerges.

WEST TYRONE The poll topping performance of Carrickmore GP, Dr Kieran Deeny in
the 2003 Assembly Election caught many outside the constituency by surprise and gave
Northern Ireland its first taste of a single issue independent candidate.

Dr Deeny secured cross community backing for his campaign to secure an acute
hospital for Omagh and will hope the SDLP gives him a clear run at Sinn Fein vice
president Pat Doherty`s seat.

But the task ahead of him is huge. To win he will also have to hoover up unionist votes
and, on the basis of the Assembly election results, overturn a 9,953 margin between
him and Sinn Fein.

EAST BELFAST: This constituency has been a DUP fortress since its deputy leader
Peter Robinson first won the seat in 1979.

However Ulster Unionist strategists believe former Stormont Economy Minister Sir Reg
Empey is capable of causing an upset, noting the DUP was just 1,880 votes ahead of
them in the 2003 Assembly election.

DUP strategists are unruffled, believing the former Stormont Regional Development
Minister has the mettle to comfortably see off the Ulster Unionist`s challenge.

LAGAN VALLEY: Jeffrey Donaldson faces his first electoral test as a Democratic
Unionist, having jumped ship last year from the UUP after years of feuding with David

The constituency has always been an Ulster Unionist preserve but Jeffrey Donaldson
believes those who voted for him will also make the transition to the DUP.

UUP strategists were denied their dream of another Donaldson versus Trimble
showdown when their leader`s wife, Daphne failed to secure the party nomination. They
are pinning their hopes instead on businessman and electoral newcomer Basil McCrea.


While his colleagues John Hume and Seamus Mallon have decided to retire from
Westminster, Eddie McGrady is the only SDLP MP defending a seat.

His decision to fight one more campaign is a measure of just how much pressure the
SDLP is under across Northern Ireland to maximise its vote in the face of a confident
Sinn Fein electoral machine.

Sinn Fein is hoping Colombia Three campaigner Caitriona Ruane will eat into the
SDLP`s majority which was slashed from 13,858 in 2001 to 3,915 in the 2003 Stormont
contest, while the DUP is fielding Jim Wells.


There were no gasps of surprise when former Stormont Social Development Minister
Nigel Dodds romped home in 2001 to take this seat with a 6,387 majority.

However four years on the DUP machine will not be taking anything for granted and will
be anxious to get the vote out, noting its lead over Sinn Fein in the 2003 Assembly
election was just 2,262.

Sinn Fein will pin its hopes on Assembly member Gerry Kelly while the SDLP will again
run Alban Magennis.


The departure of former Deputy First Minister Seamus Mallon leaves SDLP Assembly
member Dominic Bradley with massive shoes to fill.

The spectacular rise of Sinn Fein in the constituency also leaves Mr Bradley with a
mountain to climb if he is to prevent Conor Murphy making this a republican seat.

In 2003, Sinn Fein was 7,215 votes ahead of its nationalist rival a remarkable
turnaround from the Assembly poll five years earlier when the SDLP was 4,901 ahead
and the 3,576 Westminster majority Seamus Mallon enjoyed over Conor Murphy in


Lady Sylvia Hermon`s victory over UK Unionist leader Robert McCartney was a sweet
moment for the UUP which had been frozen out in this constituency since 1979.

She secured a 7,324 majority over Mr McCartney who is expected to face her again but
the Democratic Unionists` Peter Weir also harbours ambitions after his party
spectacularly captured two Assembly seats in the constituency in 2003.

Alliance`s decision to run former Belfast Lord Mayor David Alderdice further complicates
matters, ensuring Lady Sylvia will not have a free run this time for the pro-Good Friday
Agreement vote.


In hindsight Democratic Unionist Gregory Campbell`s triumph in 2001 over UUP war-
horse William Ross was a taste of things to come.

Capitalising on splits within Ulster Unionism and a strong DUP constituency machine,
the party was able to portray itself as the home of traditional unionist values against
someone who defined himself as a traditionalist.

The UUP have gambled this time on Assembly member David McClarty. There is also a
mouth-watering contest in nationalism in this seat, with ex-police reservist Billy Leonard,
who defected last year from the SDLP to Sinn Fein, facing former colleague John Dallat.


When Sinn Fein chief negotiator Martin McGuinness gained the seat in 1997 from the
DUP`s Reverend William McCrea, he had a 1,883 majority.

Four years later, he had a 9,953 majority and the party`s grip on the constituency has
continued to tighten, with a 10,954 lead over the DUP in the Assembly election.

The DUP has to declare who will replace the Rev William McCrea on its ticket while the
SDLP is hoping Assembly member Patsy McGlone will hold his own.


Two political dynasties are squaring off in this constituency with Iris Robinson of the
DUP defending her seat against Michael McGimpsey`s son, Gareth.

Gareth McGimpsey sensationally defeated former Stormont Environment Minister
Dermot Nesbitt at the UUP`s selection meeting but the task facing him is quite daunting.

Mrs Robinson captured the seat in 2001 by 1,110 votes but the DUP`s lead stretched by
7,076 two years later in the Assembly election.


With the exception of Dr Joe Hendron`s stunning 1992 upset, Gerry Adams and Sinn
Fein have always had a firm hold on this constituency.

In 2001, Mr Adams` majority over the SDLP`s Alex Attwood was 19,342 votes and two
years later in the Assembly election, the party`s lead was 15,118.

The SDLP has chosen Alex Attwood as its standard bearer again, with the party
desperate to keep its vote.


Democratic Unionist leader, the Reverend Ian Paisley has been the MP for this
constituency since 1970, comfortably swatting aside any Ulster Unionist challenger.

This time, 28 year-old Westminster aide and barrister Rodney McCune faces the soon
to be 79 year-old Free Presbyterian Church leader.

If there is a contest in this constituency it may well be for the nationalist vote. Former
Stormont Finance Minister Sean Farren of the SDLP was rattled when Sinn Fein`s
Philip McGuigan outpolled his party in the 2003 Assembly election and will be anxious
to avoid a repeat.


Archbishop Sean Brady said the Pope set an inspiring example

Brady Urges Pope's Canonisation

The head of the Catholic Church in Ireland has called for Pope John Paul II to be
declared a saint.

Archbishop of Armagh Sean Brady made the comments after a special Mass in St
Patrick's Cathedral in Armagh.

The congregation included Cardinal Cahal Daly, the Church of Ireland Archbishop,
Robin Eames, and Secretary of State Paul Murphy.

Dr Brady said canonisation would help the Pope's work to continue and mean he would
be venerated by the church.

"My hope is that he would be canonised," he said.

"If it would serve to people to take on board and live out the kind of things that he
believed in, and taught and stood for, I think that would be important.

"The man gave endlessly of his time and energy and people energised him and he liked
them. It certainly has revolutionised the role of the papacy."

Books of condolence are being signed across Northern Ireland to allow people to write
their own personal messages of respect for the Pope, who died on Saturday, aged 84.

'Great loss'

Northern Ireland Secretary Paul Murphy added his signature to a Book of Condolence in
Armagh, where he personally expressed his sorrow to Dr Brady.

"We reflect on his death as a great loss not only for the Catholic Church but also for
humanity as a whole," he said.

"All of us who mourn also feel an overwhelming sense of gratitude to God for sending
us a man whose courage and faith was an inspiration to everyone and especially to
those facing suffering or persecution."

Messages of sympathy have been issued by religious and political leaders from all

Belfast City Council held one minute's silence in memory of the pontiff on Monday

Masses are being held in many parishes throughout Ireland this week.

Bishop of Down and Connor Patrick Walsh conducted a Vespers for the Dead service at
St Peter's Cathedral in west Belfast on Monday.

The body which oversees Catholic schools in Northern Ireland has also said Catholic
schools can close on Friday for the funeral if they wish.

The Catholic Council for Maintained Schools said the final decision on whether
individual schools closed was up to boards of governors.

Nation mourns

Meanwhile, Irish Premier Bertie Ahern has been criticised for not holding a national day
of mourning for the Pope, who visited Ireland in 1979.

Mr Ahern said schools would be allowed to close for the funeral if they wanted to and
arrangements could be made for employees who want to attend Masses.

But the singer and former MEP Rosemary Scallon, better known as Dana, said an
incredible number of people wanted a national day of mourning.

"The nation should be given the opportunity to mourn as a nation, a man who is
recognised as one of the towering figures of the 20th century," she said.

Pope John Paul II made Ireland the third pilgrimage of his 26-year pontificate when he
visited for three days, a year after becoming pontiff.

He made an impassioned plea for peace in Northern Ireland, however, he did not visit
the province.

Story from BBC NEWS:

Published: 2005/04/05 11:57:01 GMT



Honour Pope With N.Ireland Says Archbishop

Tue Apr 5, 2005 6:11 PM BST

DUBLIN (Reuters) - Irish people can pay tribute to the Pope by pushing ahead with
efforts to secure lasting peace in Northern Ireland, the head of the Roman Catholic
Church in Ireland says.

Pope John Paul toured the Republic of Ireland in 1979 but plans to visit the province of
Northern Ireland were scrapped because of sectarian violence between Protestants and

The Pontiff pledged to return for a full tour and had been due to visit this year.

"I am sure today he would not want an Ireland looking back nostalgically at his visit,"
Archbishop Diarmuid Martin, Primate of Ireland, said at a special remembrance mass in
Dublin on Tuesday.

"We can render tribute to Pope John Paul by unflinchingly moving forward with the
peace process, putting aside for ever and on every side all ambiguities about violence,"
he said.

Although the bombings and attacks that marked three decades of sectarian conflict in
Northern Ireland have largely come to an end, violence persists in the form of
"punishment" beatings, stabbings and killings.

That is hampering efforts to revive a regional government in which Protestants and
Catholics share the running of local affairs.

Talks on restoring the Belfast-based assembly ground to a halt earlier this year
following a spate of crimes linked to the IRA, including a 26.5 million pound bank raid
and the stabbing of a man in a bar brawl.

Ian Paisley, the firebrand cleric and leader of Northern Ireland's main Protestant party
who once called the Pope the "anti-Christ", refuses to sit in government with the IRA's
political ally Sinn Fein until he sees proof the IRA has put its arms beyond use and
ended any involvement in crime.

© Reuters 2005. All Rights Reserved.


Cleric Apologises In Pope Joke Row

By Marie Foy
05 April 2005

A Presbyterian minister was at the centre of a major row today over claims that he had
impersonated the Pope suffering from Parkinson's Disease.

The Rev Stephen Dickinson, who serves as the Grand Chaplain of the Orange Order,
said he "unreservedly apologised" if any offence was taken - either by members of the
Catholic community or anyone suffering from Parkinson's Disease.

The cleric admitted telling quips about the pontiff at the event at Drumbo Presbyterian
Church Hall, near Lisburn, on February 11, but denied the mimicry focused on the
Pope's illness.

The minister, who compered the concert, insisted he had also joked about other public
figures including the Rev Ian Paisley and the Rev William McCrea. He also joked about
Lagan Valley DUP MP Jeffrey Donaldson who was in the audience.

When it was put to Mr Dickinson that a caller to BBC's Talkback programme, who had
been at the concert, had insisted the cleric had mimicked the Pope suffering from the
illness, the minister said: "I am not lying. It's like everything else. People say and do
things in Northern Ireland and people slide into their own perception of what they saw. I
think it is being twisted unfairly.

"People who were there took it in the spirit it was intended. It was just a bit of fun and
innocently done.

"This was long before people were aware the Pope was so gravely ill. A few people are
trying to make mischief out of nothing."

Mr Dickinson admitted that he had known the Pope was ailing but insisted that at the
time the seriousness of his condition was not known. He rejected reports in a morning
newspaper that he had tried to mimic the Pope suffering from Parkinson's disease.

"I wasn't trying to belittle him or poke fun at his illness. That wasn't the intention. I
wouldn't do that to anyone," he said.

Mr Donaldson said: "The Rev Dickinson told jokes about a wide range of personalities
at the concert, including myself.

"I regret that someone is trying to make cheap political capital during a period of
mourning. It is they who lack respect, not anyone else. I am sure he didn't intend to
offend anyone."

Sinn Fein Lisburn councillor Paul Butler said the Pope had been ill for some time and
had worsened over the last few months. He said: "He is trying to defend the


McCartneys Take Justice Campaign To Europe

John Innes

THREE sisters of the Belfast murder victim Robert McCartney are taking their campaign
for justice to Brussels today.

Catherine, Paula and Gemma McCartney will hold talks with MEPs and meet the
president of the European Parliament, Josep Borrell, and his European Commission
counterpart, Jose Manuel Barroso.

The trip follows a high- profile St Patrick's day visit to Washington, including a meeting
with the United States president, George Bush.

No charges have arisen from the stabbing of the 33-year-old man on 30 January.
However, it has triggered the suspension of seven Sinn Fein members and the
expulsion by the IRA of three members.

A dozen men have been questioned by police and released without charge, including a
31-year-old man who handed himself in at a police station with his solicitor on Monday.
The Brussels meetings are unlikely to improve results, but the McCartneys are
determined to keep the case in the headlines.


O'Dea Doubtful That McCartney Killers Will Be Brought To Book

Martin Wall

The Minister for Defence has said he believes it is unlikely that anyone will ever be
brought to book for the murder of Robert McCartney.

Willie O'Dea said yesterday he believed that if Sinn Féin wanted its activists or
supporters to assist in the investigation of the murder then it could do so.

His initial pessimism that anything would happen in relation to the McCartney murder
had been reinforced in recent times.

"I believe it is unlikely that somebody will be brought to book for this, one of the most
appalling crimes perpetrated on this island and one that took place in front of 70

The Minister said it seemed that the people involved were senior people in the IRA who
were indispensable to the IRA, and it was not going to give them up. He said the IRA
had no interest in justice, and was still holding communities in a grip of terror.

Mr O'Dea criticised Sinn Féin leaders Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness for
engaging in a public relations exercise from the beginning to the end in relation to the
McCartney killing.

He said that either Sinn Féin had failed abysmally in encouraging its supporters to
assist in the murder investigation or else the party had made no effort at all.

Mr McCartney's sisters took their campaign for justice to Brussels yesterday where they
will meet members of the European Parliament. Their visit will culminate in a meeting
with the president of the Parliament, Joseph Borrell.

Mr McCartney, a 33-year-old father of two, was stabbed to death after a pub brawl in
Belfast city centre on January 30th.

Catherine McCartney, one of his five sisters, said they would be highlighting the
difficulties they were having in persuading witnesses to the murder to come forward.

"We want to find out what Europe can do in terms of practical support for our
campaign," she said.

A 31-year-old man questioned by detectives in connection with the murder was
released on Monday night without charge. He was arrested after presenting himself at a
Belfast police station with his solicitor.

The IRA expelled three of its members allegedly involved in the fatal attack, while Sinn
Féin suspended seven of its members.

Police investigating the incident have questioned a total of 12 men, but so far no one
has been charged with the murder. Additional reporting by PA

© The Irish Times


Divided Loyalties

In Belfast, conflict runs deep as the color of your hair; set of your eyes

By Ashley Merryman

When I heard the news about the murder of Robert McCartney in a Belfast pub, I
couldn't stop thinking of my own experiences in Belfast pubs. I remember one
conversation in particular, in an area of Belfast run lock, stock and barrel by Protestant

"I have a lot of Catholic friends," the slender young man beside me whispered.

I could barely hear him in the din of the small, smoke-filled pub with people yelling,
laughing, but I knew better than to ask him to speak up.

"I could never bring them here, though. All it'd take is one guy to recognize him, and
say, 'Hey, that's a Taig,' and he'd be dead.

"Well, not dead," he backtracked, "but it'd be really, really serious."

During a nine-week stay in Belfast, Northern Ireland, I had many such conversations as
I struggled to understand the conflict there and to answer for myself the question so
many Americans wearily ask, "Why can't they just get over it already? Whatever 'it' is?"
After weeks of interviews, parades, bonfires and more than a couple pints of Guinness, I
began to get it.

The first challenge is to realize that despite the intertwining of religious and political
issues in Northern Ireland, the American description of the conflict as "Catholic versus
Protestant" is a misnomer. It is as inaccurate as if coverage of the Middle East were
reported entirely as "Jews and Muslims." A prayer to Yahweh or Allah does not change
that it's a political war. So it is in Northern Ireland. The war is not "Catholic versus
Protestant." It is, rather, "Nationalist versus Unionist."

To give a glib overview of history, in 1690 -- back in the days when the Holy Roman
Empire really was an empire -- Protestant William of Orange defeated Catholic King
James II. For the next 300 years or so, Catholics of Ireland were discriminated against
in one way or another because, as everywhere else, to the victors -- those loyal to the
British/Protestant throne -- went the spoils. The small number of Irish who always
demanded independence eventually became known as "nationalists." Of those, some
saw violence as the only way to achieve their freedom. They would become known as

In 1921, Britain agreed to the creation of an Irish state, but only if it kept a small section
of the island known as Ulster. The majority in Ulster were Protestant and considered
themselves to be British -- to the point that a few years earlier, they'd threatened to start
a civil war at the prospect of being abandoned to the Irish. Also, Ulster's capital, Belfast,
was the world's leader in shipbuilding, linen and rope making. With Her Majesty's Navy
circling the globe and preeminence in international commerce at stake, the United
Kingdom was not about to lose Ulster. In the new Republic, the split was controversial
before it happened: Irish hero Michael Collins was assassinated for his agreement to
the partition. In Ulster, it seemed like a good idea at the time. Except, of course, to
Catholics who remained an oppressed minority.

But the very reasons for keeping Ulster British were the seeds of disaster.

Over time, Her Majesty did not rule colonies around the world, so she didn't have the
need for a huge navy, and there were other ways to transport passengers and goods.
Then, with no need for ships, there was no need for rope or linen. Suddenly, a man with
15 years in a skilled trade faced lifelong unemployment. For his sons, prospects were
worse: never getting a job to begin with. The speed with which this occurred was
breathtaking: Forty-year-olds remember growing up when thousands (mostly
Protestants/British) worked in the shipyards. Only a few hundred, if that, still work in the
yards. And since the rest of the economy had relied on shipping, the Protestant/British
community was devastated economically.

On the Catholic side, they never had anything to begin with, so the loss of industry
didn't hit them as hard. All they had -- good Catholics that they were -- were people. But
that meant Catholics' already impoverished circumstances were getting worse. There
were more Catholics, and they were getting angrier.

Meanwhile, the Protestants/British were terrified. The native industry was gone; the rest
of the United Kingdom was propping them up economically. And nationalists wanted to
unite with Ireland. Ireland -- with its only export being immigrants who fled the country
each year -- had an economy that made Northern Ireland's look sterling by comparison.
Add to that "Irish rule was Rome rule": Ireland forbade divorce, birth control and
followed papal decrees to the letter. It would no doubt discriminate against Ulster
Protestants; it would strip them of the little they had left. Their only hope was to be
"unionist," to remain part of the United Kingdom.

Tens of thousands, poor, angry and feeling powerless. It was a powder keg just waiting
to explode.

The fuse was first lit not in the Republic of Ireland but the southern United States.
Throughout the 1960s, while reading newspaper want ads saying "No Catholics,"
Catholics in Northern Ireland watched the American civil rights movement. They said,
"We have a dream, too." And they, too, took to the streets.

But while American protesters confronted water cannons, Catholics in Northern Ireland
were met with British soldiers firing live ammo. The republicans, at the time little more
than street vigilantes, struck back with a bombing campaign.

Not surprisingly, all hell broke loose.

From 1969 to 2003, more than 3,300 died and over 11,000 people were injured in
Troubles-related violence. There have been almost 37,000 shooting incidents and more
than 16,200 bombings. (This figure includes deactivated bombs but doesn't include
petrol bombs regularly hurled over peace walls.) These numbers become more
astounding when you consider all of Northern Ireland is no bigger in area than
Connecticut, with a population near the size of Columbus, Ohio.

The politics of identity

There is an old joke in Northern Ireland: An American comes to Belfast and is asked if
he's a Catholic or Protestant.

"Neither," he answers. "I'm Jewish."

"Oh, aye," comes the response, "but are you a Catholic Jew or a Protestant Jew?"

While in Belfast, I met dozens who identified themselves as "Catholics" and
"Protestants," but most of them hadn't darkened a church door in years. So why does
"integrated" refer to Catholic and Protestant instead of the Asian or African communities
in the area? And why does 84 percent of the population believe religion will always
make a difference in Northern Ireland, regardless the outcome of the political fight?

Because in Northern Ireland, "Catholic" and "Protestant" aren't just descriptions of
religions. Instead, they are signifiers of entire traditions. "Catholic" doesn't mean
"universal." It means "Irish." And Protestant means "British."

According to the well-known "life and times" surveys, Catholics are nationalist (60
percent); 0 percent are unionist. They are "Irish" (64 percent): Only 8 percent are
"British." Some 59 percent believe Northern Ireland should be unified with the Republic,
or that it should become an independent state. They want Irish culture and language
taught in schools (61 percent). Some 24 percent of Catholics are proud to see the Irish
tricolor flag, and 4 percent are hostile to it.

By contrast, 66 percent of Protestants identify themselves as "British," while only 2
percent are "Irish." They are unionists (68 percent), not nationalists (1 percent). They
overwhelmingly want to remain a part of the United Kingdom (82 percent). Only 10
percent would want to see unification or the creation of a Northern Irish state. Just 13
percent want Irish culture and language in schools. No Protestants are proud to see a
tricolor, and 42 percent are "hostile" to it.

British play soccer and cricket. Irish play rugby and Gaelic football. They play soccer,
too -- but don't try putting that "British game" on the television in an IRA pub.

Institutions perpetuate these divisions. For example, the majority of Catholics attend
church-run schools. In those schools, students study Irish history. Protestants attend
state-run schools that teach British history. I heard more than once someone say it
wasn't until going to university that he learned about any bad things that his people had
done to the other side. What would have happened in the United States if during the
Cold War half of our students were taught the Soviet Union was the "Evil Empire" while
the others were taught an exclusively Soviet point of view?

One of the first things a newcomer asks is, "How do you tell a Catholic from a
Protestant?" Actually, it's easy. Even I know a Protestant from a Catholic at 100 yards.
And I'm nearsighted and only lived in Belfast for a couple months.

Most of the time, people voluntarily identify themselves. It's a matter of pride, cultural
heritage and fashion. It's also a matter of life and death. For years, it was so dangerous
to go across town that there are people in Belfast who have literally never left their own
street. As for their image of the other side, I'm reminded of pre-Columbus maps: "There
be dragons there." Even if not that extreme, Belfast's community is small, isolated and
insular. Everyone knows everyone, so they already know who is a stranger. The only
question is if you're friend or foe.

While identifying yourself within your own community is required, identifying yourself as
Catholic or Protestant in areas considered "neutral territory" -- like Belfast's downtown --
or "on the other side" is either foolish or a dare to be taken on. The Northern Irish are
avid soccer fans who follow the Celtics and the Rangers, the two soccer teams in
Glasgow, Scotland. (One of the United Kingdom's dirty little secrets is that Glasgow is
just as sectarian as Belfast.) The Rangers are the Protestant team in Glasgow; the
Celtics are Catholic. In an effort to stop fights before they begin, many public places in
Northern Ireland forbid wearing soccer team jerseys.

"Walking down the Shankill Road in a Celtic shirt, you're dead, straight-away," the
Catholic 17-year-old Roisin explained. "They'll just brush you onto the carpet. But it's
the same in Catholic areas. If someone walked in with a Ranger shirt in a Catholic area,
they're as good as dead. … If it's a mostly Catholic area, or a mostly Protestant area,
you're dead. You just are."

There are many other ways to tell "which foot you kick with."

Anything with green or the Irish tricolor represents Catholics/nationalists. Anything
orange or with a Union Jack signifies Protestantism/unionism. Catholics are named
Mary and Patrick while Protestants are named after Queen Elizabeth or King William. A
Protestant's accent may sound more Scottish than a Catholic's. Wearing school
uniforms, children have their religion written on their chests. (On a city bus through an
unfamiliar neighborhood, they hold their hands over the school name on their uniform
and hope for the best.) Catholic girls wear claddagh rings and gold hoop earrings.
Protestant boys favor a particular crewcut and a certain kind of boots.

Catholics have red hair and too many kids. Protestants' eyes are set close together.

At Queen's University, the epitome of integration, there were "Catholic" and "Protestant"
bathrooms. There were no signs posted: "Everyone just knows."

Hair color and close-set eyes? Segregated bathrooms? Yes, for some, "Catholic" and
"Protestant" are racial divisions.

There may be a further complication, hidden in the traditions of the two communities.

While there are moderates on both the nationalist and unionist sides, the chief
stumbling blocks to peace have been in the battle between the Democratic Unionist
Party and the nationalist Sinn Fein. Led by its founder Ian Paisley, the Democratic
Unionist Party is militantly against the Good Friday Agreement, a peace agreement
worked out in 1998, and adamantly refuses to govern with the Sinn Fein because the
Democratic Unionists believe Sinn Fein is a front for the IRA and that its leaders, such
as Gerry Adams, are murderers. It's a position not difficult to understand. We in the
United States often say people cannot bomb their way to the bargaining table, and then
having painted ourselves into a rhetorical corner, subsequently struggle with whether
we can talk to leaders such as Adams or Yasser Arafat to bring about peace.

Does dogma matter?

But I fear there's more to it. Paisley also founded the Free Presbyterian Church. A tenet
of his church -- and other Protestant denominations -- is that the pope is the antichrist.
As we all know, you can't make deals with the devil. And you must resist all of Satan's
tricks to lead mankind into darkness. I wonder how much of Paisley and others'
objections to Sinn Fein actually lie in a belief that its leaders are quite literally the
minions of Satan. "For Bible and crown," they say, believing that keeping Northern
Ireland Protestant and British is their God-given duty.

Even less extreme Protestant and unionist leaders alike are confounded by nationalists'
willingness to overlook the violent pasts of leaders such as former IRA Chief of Staff
Martin McGuinness. My hunch is the nationalists' view is rooted in an unexpressed
Catholic belief that with a sincere act of repentance, a person can completely turn his
life around -- again and again if need be. While dogma is not the reason for a bombing,
differences between the religious traditions such as belief in the nature of grace and
redemption may have resulted in two political traditions based on irreconcilable

Thinking of such things, I don't know if the fragile peace can continue in Northern
Ireland or whether its people will return to war. It's a possibility that makes my heart
break because I grew to love the people -- well, most -- of Belfast. Protestant, Catholic,
or atheist, nationalist, unionist, armed paramilitary or militantly apolitical, they were the
warmest people I've ever met. Perfect strangers I met on the street took me into their
homes. They gave me tours of the city. They bought me meals and drinks. They spent
hours educating me about their lives.

I met people I consider nothing less than heroic. People who devote their lives to
improving their communities. A woman who treats children traumatized by the Troubles.
Another who provides job training to women living with third-generation unemployment.
Teachers. Police. Clergy. Paramilitaries turned politicians. Children with downcast faces
as they describe the bigotry confronting them. Men who are finding a way for Belfast to
regain its position as a global leader. So many want to live their lives in peace and
struggle with the choice of whether to stay in Northern Ireland or flee.

But the conflict in Northern Ireland involves many individuals and a complex morass of
personalities and political agendas, both hidden and in plain view. For both sides,
nationalism, commonly expressed via religion, is a compelling force.

"If Northern Ireland were to become a part of Ireland, I would become a terrorist," one
shop owner told me as we stood amid the Union Jack flags, Ulster Volunteer Force
calendars and refrigerator magnets advertising the Ulster Defense Association. "And I
wouldn't stop until it went back to the British."

Hope and despair. That sums up my feelings about Northern Ireland today.

Ashley Merryman is a lawyer and writer living in Los Angeles who is writing a book
about Northern Ireland.

National Catholic Reporter, April 8, 2005


Full Wages Not Paid, Say Eyre Square Workers

Lorna Siggins, Western Correspondent

Irish and Polish workers on the €9 million Eyre Square project in Galway downed tools
yesterday, claiming lack of payment or reduced wages.

The 19 Irish and 11 Polish staff employed by Samuel Kingston Construction Ltd, based
in Cork, claimed they had not been paid their full wages last Friday. The staff, who are
not unionised, will meet this morning to decide whether to resume work.

Michael Barrett, one of the staff affected, said that four or five of the group received no
wages at all for last week, while others got half what they were due.

About 11 of the staff walked off site last Friday and another 11 on Monday, but all 30
withdrew their labour at 1pm yesterday after a short meeting. Mr Barrett said a company
representative had told them they would be paid by last night.

Mr Barrett, from Connemara, told The Irish Times: "There are a few every week who
don't get paid till Monday or Tuesday, and many of us are three weeks behind in
receiving actual pay slips."

Mr Barrett said the rate of pay and conditions were not the issue, but the lack of
continuity in full payment. Staff employed by Samuel Kingston in Galway earn an
average of €13 an hour for a 45-hour week.

Sam Kingston was unavailable for comment yesterday.

His firm is the main contractor in the €9 million project, which also involves upgrading
sewerage and other infrastructural works in the city centre.

Since the contract was awarded by Galway City Council, the project has been the
subject of controversy; initially over plans to remove trees, latterly over disruption to
business and traffic, and recently over a cost overrun.

Galway City Council said the contractor was responsible for the main workforce on site,
but it would insist that there was no impact on the timescale for completing the project.

Michelle McDonagh adds: Galway traders met council officials yesterday to discuss the
latest phase of the Eyre Square project, which will further disrupt traffic in the city

Declan McDonnell of the Heart of Galway group said the traders had accepted that the
roadworks had to be carried out to complete the project, but were disappointed at the
delay in the start of this work.

© The Irish Times

Table of Contents - Overall
Table of Contents – Apr 2005
To receive this news via email, click HERE. No Message is necessary
Comments: Post a Comment

<< Home

This page is powered by Blogger. Isn't yours?